CHAPTER 1 ~ SUSTAINABILITY OF THE OUTPUTS OF THE WORLD'S CROPLANDS ~

Edition 1, March, 2008 (Updated July 2010)

Note: The data found below represent a sampling of a far larger collection of data compiled in "Topsoil Loss - Causes, Effects and Implications: A Global Perspective," found on this same website.

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Table of Contents

A

ELEMENTS OF NON-SUSTAINABILITY ~ [A1]~Overview,
[A2]~
Sustainability problems in Africa's croplands - some case studies,
[A3]~
How much more can chemical fertilizers contribute to the productivity of the world's croplands?
[A4]~
How much more can genetically modified plants contribute to the productivity of the world's croplands?
[A5]~
Could more and better pesticides sustainably enhance global cropland productivity?
[A6]~
Is there some as-yet-unknown development that could contribute significantly to the productivity of the world's croplands?
[A7]~
Could the fertility of typically low-fertility tropical soils be significantly increased on a large scale?

B

BASIC DATA ~[B1]~Non-Categorized, [B2]~Hunger- and Food Supply Issues, [B3]~, [B4]~Cumulative Cropland Losses and Cropland Loss Rates, [B5]~Soil Organic Matter Issues,

C

HUMAN PRESSURES ON THE LAND: NON-SUSTAINABLE CROPLAND PRODUCTIVITY ~[C1]~Global, [C2]~Central Asia, [C3]~Asian Sub-Continent, [C4]~Southeast Asia, [C5]~Sub-Saharan Africa, [C6]~Latin America, [C7]~Australia and Oceania, [C8]~Far East, [C9]~North America, [C10]~Middle East and North Africa,

D

THE CONTROVERSY OVER CROPLAND RESERVES

E

THE FUTURE OF CEREAL PRODUCTION

G

SHIFTING CULTIVATION IN TROPICAL RAINFORESTS

H

CROPLAND OUTPUT SUSTAINABILITY IN SUMMARY

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REFERENCE LIST 1 (through 1986) (se12.html)

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REFERENCE LIST 2 (after 1986) (se13.html)

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Section [A] ~ ELEMENTS OF NON-SUSTAINABILITY ~

Part [A1] ~ Overview ~

The broader issue of the sustainability of the productivity of soils and croplands revolves around a variety of issues. The main ones are:

In theory, most of these degradation mechanisms can be corrected in a matter of years or decades by fallowing, although bare-land fallowing usually results in serious soil erosion. In practice, however, all of these mechanisms reflect ever-increasing pressures on the land, typically a result of population growth, so fallowing becomes increasingly unaffordable, and as a result fallow periods worldwide tend to shrink over time. This adds an increasing element of non-sustainability to the productivity of the world's croplands. The net result of the above degradation mechanisms is a loss of roughly 100,000 km2 of irrigated and non-irrigated croplands per year - a loss rate that can, in theory, be compensated for (for about 1.5 centuries) by developing as-yet undeveloped arable lands (lands declared arable by analyses involving aerial photography). In practice however there are considerable doubts as to whether this land actually exists in usable form. (See Section [D].) Much evidence suggests that it does not. There are questions as to how much of this undeveloped arable land is actually:

Data on the above cropland- and soil degradation mechanisms are provided in this Chapter 1 and in Chapter 4 of this sustainability study. Lots of additional data are provided in the document "Topsoil Loss - Causes, Effects and Implications: A Global Perspective" and "Irrigated Lands Degradation: A Global Perspective" found elsewhere on this website.

Losses of croplands and their soils through urbanization, degradation-induced abandonment, salinization and waterlogging are global phenomena, but they are more common in developing nations. New croplands are increasingly being created in regions of low precipitation and therefore have soils with low organic matter content. Such croplands have low productivities due both to low precipitation rates and low soil organic matter contents. They also have low resistance to wind erosion due to low soil organic matter contents, and they also face high risks of prolonged droughts. The short-lived US "dust bowl" in the 1930s and the former Soviet Union's "Great Lands" project in 1954-1962 (96G2) are among the more colossal examples. If there were plenty of undeveloped arable lands as some contend, why would anyone invest in such low profitability -high-risk ventures as semi-arid croplands? These lands should remain as grasslands where the possibilities for sustainable production are higher, though by no means assured. (See Chapter 3) The trend toward creating croplands in increasingly dry climates explains the rapid rates of increase (in number and magnitude) of both inter-continental dust storms and expanding deserts. Data on the increasing frequency and magnitude of these events is found in this document and in "Topsoil Loss: Causes, Effects and Implications - A Global Perspective" on this website.

New croplands, particularly in developing nations, are also increasingly being created on thin, rocky soils on steep hillsides where sustainability is rarely achieved, and abandonment is probable within a matter of a few decades. The driving forces for this trend are (1) population growth, (2) the lack of better quality undeveloped arable land, and (3) conversion of labor-intensive agriculture to capital-intensive agriculture (which require far less labor per unit area of land). The most common result of abandonment is the migration of ex-farmers to huge rings of wretched slums that surround most of the large urban areas of the developing world. There, they usually join the rapidly growing "informal" economy where survival is a challenge, and where their world is one of growing social, political, and economic instability. These instabilities make the financial capital needed to correct the agricultural problems less safe and less available - causing further rounds of even greater instabilities and financial capital scarcity. Remember that most developing nations derive typically on the order of 70% of their GDP from agriculture, so the rural-urban migrations alluded to here represent a human migration of truly epic proportions. All this could hardly be understood if the supply of undeveloped arable land were even a fraction of the huge area that is alleged to exist. The non-sustainable agriculture, mass migrations, wretchedness, hunger, hope-deprivation, informal economies, and social-, political- and economic instabilities could all be largely eliminated with a modest investment in family planning. (See Ref. (06S1) and (07S1) on this website.)

Part [A2] ~ Sustainability Problems in Africa's Croplands - Some Case Studies ~
[A2a] ~
Cropland Sustainability Problems in Sub-Saharan Africa,
[A2b] ~
Cropland Mismanagement Problems in Ethiopia,
[A2c] ~
Cropland Productivity vs. Human Population in Rwanda,
[A2d] ~
Sustainability Issues in Burkina Faso,
[A2e] ~
Cropland Sustainability in Zimbabwe

Consider:

  1. Africa has some of the world's worst soils - geologically - and the most hunger.
  2. Africa has the world's second-highest population growth rate. (The Muslim world has the highest.)
  3. Africans uses less chemical fertilizer per unit area of cropland than any other continent, essentially mining essential soil nutrients.
  4. Africans often use manure and crop residues as fuel for cooking, depriving soil of organic matter.
  5. Africa, despite its high potential, makes little use of irrigation, primarily due to financial capital scarcity and staggering external debts.
  6. Africa has extremely high external debt that makes financial capital and human capital very scarce.
  7. Africa is the only continent where per-capita food production is falling. (Latin America is close.)
  8. Africa has the world's second-highest number of on-going armed conflicts. (The interface between the Muslim world and the non-Muslim world has the highest number.) (Note the correlation with population growth rates in Consideration (2) above.)

Considerations (3) through (8) are easily traced back to Considerations (1) and (2) above. Thus the sustainability of Africa's food- and wood-production systems is almost certainly the world's worst. One must be careful, however, not to conclude that Africa is necessarily over-populated. If Africa's population growth rates (NOT population) could be reduced, Considerations (3) through (7) would be far simpler to deal with as a result of financial capital becoming far less scarce (06S1). One should also not be too quick to conclude that Africa's problems are simply a matter of an intellectually inferior populace and a bunch of dumb farmers. Before doing that, read the remainder of this Part [A2]. In fact, there is at least one region of Sub-Saharan Africa where cultures, farmers and agricultural practices are on a level comparable to those in Northern Europe - and superior to essentially everyone else. (See "Sustainability Issues in Burkina Faso" below.)

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Sub-Part [A2a] ~ Cropland Sustainability Problems in Sub-Saharan Africa ~

Sub-Saharan Africa provides an insightful case study for any analysis of the undeveloped potential of inorganic (chemical) fertilizer. African soils are, by geology and by climate (tropical), poor in terms of both organic matter and chemical nutrients. Yet, in the 1990s, inorganic fertilizer consumption in China was 240 kg./ ha/ year, 110 in India, but about 8 in Sub-Saharan Africa. Some Sub-Saharan African cropland soils have nutrient losses exceeding 60 kg/ ha/ year of nitrogen, phosphorus and potassium (02F1). So the region would appear to be a prime candidate for increasing inorganic fertilizer consumption. Inorganic fertilizer prices in Sub-Saharan Africa are 6 times greater than in Asia, the EU and North America. On the basis of hours of labor required to purchase a tonne of inorganic fertilizer, the cost to Africans is 60 times that in the EU. Even worse, plant nutrients are rapidly leached due to the lack of nutrient-holding capacity (mainly a lack of soil organic matter) of highly weathered soils such as Ferralsols, Acrisols and Lixisols typical of tropical climates. Infrastructure (mainly roads) is the cause of much of the chemical fertilizer price problem. Entrepreneurs in Central Africa pays more than 3 times what their Chinese counterparts pays to transport a container a given distance (06W1). Much of Africa has a road density less than 10% of that in India or China (02F1). Also the road quality is poor. These infrastructure problems result from a shortage of financial capital that are due to Sub-Saharan Africa's high population growth rates (2.5%/ year - second-highest in the world) and the cost of infrastructure expansion required to accommodate this population growth (06S2).

Sub-Saharan African farm soils are also poor in organic matter, but farmers cannot raise much livestock (manure source) because of population pressures on the land. Also, instead of putting manure and crop residues into cropland soils, Africans must burn them for fuel and cooking - yet another consequence of population pressures on the land (02F1). The importance of soil organic matter in determining the fertility and numerous other characteristics of soil is described in Section [B5] of this chapter. For these reasons, low organic matter contents worsen the economics of inorganic (chemical) fertilizer consumption and irrigation (02F1).

So, in theory, there is much untapped potential for inorganic (chemical) fertilizers in Sub-Saharan Africa. However the reason it remains untapped is high population growth rates that require huge amounts of financial capital to fund the infrastructure growth required to accommodate population growth. The financial capital needed for building the roads that could make imported chemical fertilizer affordable is but one of many unfilled needs for financial capital. According to Norman E. Borlaug of Green Revolution fame, Africa's grain productivity could be doubled or tripled in three years (02K1). Higgins and Kassam (Ref. 20 of Ref. (90L1)) estimated that soils of tropical Africa, if properly used, and at low levels of inputs, could feed 3 times the 1975 African population, and 1.5 times the estimated population in 2000. At intermediate levels of input, Africa could feed 5 times the population projected for 2000 (90L1). These people ignore the fact that the chemical fertilizer required for this is simply impossible to afford until population growth rates drop, creating the financial capital needed to build better transportation infrastructure. Africa's present food deficit, plus its expected population doubling over the next 3-4 decades, demands at least a tripling of grain production. One third of the 590 million people in Sub-Saharan Africa are chronically under-nourished. Foreign food donations, even today, cover only 20% of Africa's food deficits (02K1). The rapidly increasing price of grain due to (1) increases in fossil fuel prices and (2) reallocation of land to crops for ethanol are dramatically increasing the price that Africans must pay for food imports. The World Bank has warned of possible food riots in Africa. Sub-Saharan Africa's ever-growing external debt and extreme shortage of financial capital for solving infrastructure problems suggest that comments by Borlaug, Higgins and Kassam (and even the FAO's projections (03B3) out to 2030 of a 61% increase in food production) on Sub-Saharan Africa's future grain production are likely to remain wishful thinking until more fundamental problems are solved. If chemical fertilizer prices in the US were to rise by a factor of 60 to be comparable to the situation in Africa, it seems highly likely that US consumption of chemical fertilizers (with their low marginal productivities) would drop significantly in order to rebalance marginal costs against marginal productivities. Also hunger in the US would probably increase significantly.

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Sub-Part [A2b] ~ Cropland Mismanagement Problems in Ethiopia (03T1) ~

Admittedly, Ethiopia is an environmental basket case in terms of soil erosion, overgrazing and deforestation. Rapid population growth and declining rainfalls also add to Ethiopia's increasingly frequent bouts of hunger and starvation. But even then, Ethiopia offers an example of the extreme economic hardship that can result from bad advice from international lenders. (For other examples see Ref. (06S2).) These external influences encouraged huge increases in food production through the use of genetically improved grains, while discouraging or ignoring government activities (subsidies, tariffs, infrastructure, finance, market development, etc.) in all the other aspects of the overall agricultural system. High population growth rates also left Ethiopia starved for the financial capital needed for overall agricultural system development, in particular transportation infrastructure. As a result, in good crop years, local crop prices collapse due to infrastructural inadequacies. Farmers are then unable to cover production costs and are unable to borrow, so they go bankrupt. In drought years, farmers meet the same fate due to crop failures. The result has been huge areas of croplands lying idle while millions of Ethiopians starve. Countries like Viet Nam and China lavished government attention on their total agriculture systems (contrary to the fundamental rules of globalization that oppose subsidies) and so avoided Ethiopia's fate (06S2).

Ethiopia's food- and cropland problems are compounded by the fact that its rains comes out of the west, across the southern edge of the Sahara Desert where there has been much overgrazing. Since rain falls and is re-evaporated about five times on its way east across Africa from the Atlantic Ocean, the decreasing vegetation ground cover reduced the amount of re-evaporation, hence the declining rainfalls and increased hunger and armed conflict in Ethiopia, Sudan and the surrounding area. (In Sudan, immediately west of Ethiopia, an estimated 50 to 200 km southward shift of the boundary between semi-desert and desert has occurred since rainfall- and vegetation records were first kept in the 1930s (07U1).)

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Sub-Part [A2c] ~ Cropland Productivity vs. Human Population in Rwanda ~

The latest (1994) of several genocides in Rwanda claimed over 900,000 people - 14% of Rwanda's population. The overwhelming majority of them were Tutsis, but in northwestern Rwanda at least 5% of the residents were slaughtered even though there were no Tutsis. Rwanda contained 2040 people per square mile, twice the population density of the Netherlands (a nation with far better soils, far more chemical- and organic fertilizer, and far greater ability to import food). The average Rwandan farmer worked 0.07 acre of land with agricultural practices not far removed from those of the Stone Age. Much of this cropland is on highly erodible, rocky hillsides. Rwandans cannot afford fertilizer imports for reasons described above (02F1). By 1990, 40% of Rwanda's population was living on less than 1600 calories per day - famine level. A team of Belgian economists concluded that the outbreak of fighting "provided a unique opportunity to settle scores or reshuffle land properties, even among Hutus." It is common to hear Rwandans argue that the war was necessary to wipe out an excess population and bring numbers in line with the available land resources (04D1).

No Rwandan government leadership, no matter how competent, could possibly have done anything under such circumstances to eliminate these genocides. Cornucopians usually argue that the developing world's problems are purely a matter of bad government. In reality, bad government is not a cause of the developing world's other more fundamental problems, but is a consequence of them (06S1). Rwanda's problems are clearly beyond problems of population growth, and are clearly a simple matter of overpopulation: 0.07 acre/ capita of low-grade tropical soil with much of it on rocky hillsides could probably not feed Rwanda's population regardless of how sophisticated the agriculture was. The resultant social, economic, and political instabilities and lack of infrastructure could not attract foreign direct investment needed for a manufacturing economy. Nations like South Korea, Japan, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Singapore were probably staring down the same potential problems some decades ago. This caused them to invest heavily in family planning programs. This enabled them to generate the financial capital needed to create human capital and infrastructure, which in turn produced a manufacturing economy that enabled them to import or manufacture chemical fertilizers, develop irrigation systems, pursue the Green Revolution, import large quantities of food and wood, and export manufactured goods of a high level of technological sophistication. Why Rwanda chose not to pursue the same course of action is not known. However it is known that the predominant religion in Rwanda opposes modern means of contraception.

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Sub-Part [A2d] ~ Sustainability Issues in Burkina Faso ~

SUSTAINABLE AGRICULTURE IN BURKINA FASO: A BY-PRODUCT OF AN AMAZING CULTURE ~
Their Final Decades? or a Recovery Model for the Rest of Africa?

A fascinating document (01M2) has reported results of four decades of research on the productivity of soils in Burkina Faso located in the Sahel region of West Africa. The purpose was to see how productivities change with time (1960-1998 - during which time the human population more than doubled). This research was an attempt to check numerous studies that suggested that soils in the Sahel region, and in sub-Saharan Africa as a whole, were degrading over time, soil organic matter was being depleted, and soil nutrients were being "mined." It was found that Burkina Faso's soil productivities actually increased during those four-decades, almost as rapidly as the population increased, despite a slight gradual decline in rainfall during the four-decade span of the research. Also, agricultural productivity per unit of cultivated area mainly correlated with long-term average rainfall (environment) and was barely related to rural population density (pressure on resources) or to animal traction (technology). Another research effort attempted to determine how soil chemistry changed during a three-decade span (a period during which the population nearly tripled in the region where the soil chemistry was measured). In 14 of the 20 comparison pairs, no significant degradation in soil chemistry was observed. Additional research was undertaken to compare soil chemistries in two areas in which population densities were much different (13/ km2 vs. 50/ km2). No significant differences were found in terms of organic matter, total nitrogen, total phosphorous and available potassium. This too suggests that local land management practices are sustainable. Another research effort examined how soil fertility (organic matter, nitrogen, phosphorous, and potassium) varied from intensely cultivated fields to uncultivated areas. It was found that organic matter changed very little, while N, P, and K generally decreased as one went from the intensely cultivated fields to the less-intensely cultivated fields to the uncultivated fields. This too suggests that human pressures on the land have not degraded Burkina Faso's cropland and hence that local cropland management practices are sustainable, contrary to what appears to be the case throughout the rest of Africa.

These results at first seem hard to understand, since numerous studies found that Africa's food production per capita has been decreasing in sub-Saharan Africa since the early 1970s and cropland soils tend to be degrading. Sub-Saharan Africa's consumption of chemical fertilizer is a tiny fraction of that anywhere else in the world (for reasons described elsewhere in this review of sustainability issues) (This is also the case in Burkina Faso except in the rice and maize fields producing for export - fields not involved in the above-mentioned research.) Also livestock manure and crop residues in much of sub-Saharan Africa must frequently be used for heating and cooking given the lack of fossil fuels and wood. Thus one can easily compute that sub-Saharan African farmers are "mining" soil nutrients. The authors of the study described here (01M2) drew the conclusions from their research that: (A) there is little supporting evidence of alleged widespread degradation of crop- and fallow land in Burkina Faso. This calls into question the widespread belief that low external inputs practices used by West African farmers are leading to region-wide land degradation processes, and (B) the skills of Sahelian farmers have been significantly under-estimated.

What is needed now is some way of rationalizing the huge differences between the results given above and the all-too-common observations of serious land degradation problems throughout sub-Saharan Africa. The notion expressed by the authors of the above study that the numerous experts involved in the other African land studies were a bit sloppy seems likely to be widely rejected without efforts to rationalize the differences. This rationalization is done below. It was aided by the analyses of Burkina Faso's culture and environment that were made by the authors of the above-mentioned study (01M2). (Mazzucato is an anthropologist and an economist; Niemiejer is an environmental geographer.) Burkina Faso is apparently an exporter of rice and maize. The rest of West Africa must import 40% of its rice needs. Because of the tripling of rice prices on the world market over the past few years there is danger of food riots in West Africa, according to the World Bank. (See Sub-Part [A4a] below.) Africa as a whole is a net importer of food. It is also dependent on food aid to a significant degree, meaning that it cannot afford to pay for all the food needed to avoid the hunger that is common throughout sub-Saharan Africa.

This suggests that human pressures on Burkina Faso's agriculture are significantly less than that in sub-Saharan Africa as a whole. This also suggests that human pressures on the land have not yet reached the point at which the all-too-common practices of sacrificing sustainability on the altar of near-term expediency have begun. Rainfall in Burkina Faso is about 80 cm./ year (01M2), meaning that Burkina Faso is somewhat more humid than the rest of the Sahel and West Africa. Farmers have shown excellent skills at water management, using stone bunds, grass strips, living hedges, mulching, selective clearing, and adapted plant spacings. Such sustainability-promoting practices would typically have been sacrificed on the altar of near-term productivity had human pressures on the land been intense. Deforestation in Burkina Faso is on-going at a significant rate, but it apparently has not yet reached the point where livestock manure and crop residues must be used for cooking rather than to fertilize croplands. Rates of cropland fallowing appear to still be quite reasonable, suggesting that human pressures on the land are not yet extreme. Livestock populations appear to increase in parallel with the rapid growth of human populations (doubling every four decades) and appear to be well managed. Obviously the rates of deforestation and livestock growth cannot continue indefinitely. At some point, the ability of the people to replenish the organic matter and other soil nutrients will diminish; soil chemistries will decline as human populations continue to grow, and the end of sustainability will have begun.

The obvious next question is to inquire why Burkina Faso has relatively low human pressures on the land relative to most or all of the rest of sub-Saharan Africa. After all, many parts of Africa receive far more rain than Burkina Faso, and yet their agriculture is badly degraded. One answer is that Burkina Faso's farmers demonstrate an extremely high level of knowledge and skill, as the Mazzucato-Niemiejer paper (01M2) show quite clearly, easily on a par with northern Europe. They would put American, Canadian and Australian farmers to shame. But the huge difference in the levels of education between Burkina Faso and the developed world makes the small difference in agricultural knowledge and skills baffling. (Some facets of Burkina Faso's culture suggest almost a primitive culture.) Obviously explaining Burkina Faso's success purely in terms of agricultural excellence begs the question. The real answer comes from a close inspection of the second half of the Mazzucato-Niemiejer paper that gets into the amazing culture of the Burkina Faso civilization. This culture might have been common in Africa in the period preceding the start of Africa's agricultural death spirals (declines of sustainability into a state characterized by hunger, wretchedness and armed conflict) that now engulf so many African nations. Burkina Faso's culture probably only persists because their agricultural death spiral has not yet begun, though it probably will begin in a matter of a few decades as the human population continues to double every four decades, deforestation becomes complete, and livestock populations can no longer keep up with human numbers (making it impossible for farmers to maintain the soil organic matter content in their croplands).

Burkina Faso is claimed to be one of the world's 14 poorest nations in terms of GDP. However the economy is mainly agricultural, and much production does not pass through any marketplace where it can be counted, so Burkina Faso is probably better off than GDP data would suggest. Burkina Faso uses a mix of currency and gifts as mediums of exchange, suggesting a quasi-primitive culture. There are no economic "safety nets;" no one gets anything for nothing. However, as a result of six types of brilliantly conceived "social networks," risks so common in agricultural economies are reduced to an absolute minimum. The "social networks" also make the utilization of labor, capital, land and other natural resources very efficient. This efficiency provides time for farmers to engage in labor-intensive soil- and water-conservation projects (that are common and well done), and to engage in commerce, allowing them to diversify their livelihoods, further reducing agriculture-related risks. Increased land-utilization efficiency enables them to extend fallow periods, which intense population pressures usually cause to be shortened. It is a capitalistic society, but as such it would have to be considered significantly more economically efficient than the capitalistic societies of the developed world. The key feature of social networks is the ability to avoid, in numerous ways, the "poverty trap" by reducing all manner of risks to an absolute minimum. When a farmer encounters a few years of bad weather, or other problems, a common tendency, worldwide, is to sacrifice agricultural sustainability on the altar of current production maximization. This can often lead to positive feedbacks that ultimately produce collapse into a situation marked by hunger; increasingly desperate struggles for survival needs, and then armed conflict. Risk minimization thus prolongs the lifetime of an economy based on sustainable agriculture. This probably explains why Burkina Faso has, so far, done better than African nations generally.

The role of Burkina Faso's central government appears to be minimal. Local governments are the source of leadership. This makes the concept of "social networks" viable. There is clearly an element of precariousness in the Burkina Faso culture. Reducing that precariousness by strengthening the central government would probably ruin everything. The "social networks" could not possibly survive in an environment of rapidly declining, non-sustainable agriculture, and a mix of hunger and armed conflicts so common in Africa. The loss of these networks would precipitate an even faster rate of decline. Globally there is a tendency to view African cultures as inherently inferior to those found elsewhere in the world. Could Africa's population growth rate and human stress upon the land be cut significantly, Burkina Faso's culture might be replicated, and the seeming inferiority of African culture would probably be seen as nothing more than an artifact of the inherent poverty of Africa's tropical soils. Africa's farmers might then be seen as second to none. The details surrounding the fascinating Burkina Faso culture, the effects of this culture on Burkina Faso's agriculture (and vice-versa), and their sustainability-oriented agricultural practices are too numerous to include here. Those interested should study the Mazzucato-Niemeijer paper (01M2). The second half of that paper contains the anthropological aspects of the interplay between culture and agriculture.

It is interesting to note that, in the FAO projection of global food productivity during the period 1998 to 2030 (03N1), the Mazzucato-Niemeijer paper was cited as evidence that the world's problems with agricultural land degradation are significantly over-rated. The unique situation that characterizes Burkina Faso as described above would suggest, however, that the lack of cropland soil degradation there is far from typical of the situation characterizing the remainder of the developing world, or even of Africa.

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Sub-Part [A2e] ~ Cropland Sustainability in Zimbabwe ~

In the creation of Zimbabwe, white farmers initially got all the level, bottom-land farmlands, while black Africans got the steep, rocky hillsides to farm - where extreme erosion rates on low-grade, highly erodible, thin soils limit cropland lifetimes and force migration to the slums surrounding the urban areas where survival is a real challenge. This created a highly non-sustainable food-production system, at least for black Zimbabweans living on subsistence earnings and unable to afford to bid for food in the world marketplace. Considering Zimbabwe's high population growth rate, the bloody conflicts over croplands in recent years were easily predictable. And it is far from clear that any government, however capable, could have prevented the bloodletting. The result of this bloodshed was the takeover of previously white-owned farms by blacks that lacked the technical expertise and access to capital to manage such farms. The result was widespread famine in Zimbabwe -and social, economic, and political turmoil.

A nearly identical problem occurred in the post-World-War-II Philippines. But it lead, in the 1980s, to groups like the Marxist New People's Army that threatened US interests (00N1). If there is so much potential (undeveloped) cropland in Africa or the Philippines as some would suggest, why are environmentally marginalized farmers unable to find anything other than steep, rocky, erosion-prone hillsides? All the wretchedness, bloodletting, and bad government could probably have been prevented by some proactive "brother's keeper" aid offering contraceptives and family-planning services.

Part [A3] ~ Could Chemical Fertilizers contribute significantly more to Global Cropland Productivity? ~
[A3a] ~
Marginal Productivities of Chemical Fertilizers in Developed Nations ~
[A3b] ~
Marginal Productivities of Chemical Fertilizers in Developing Nations ~
[A3c] ~
Side Effects of Chemical Fertilizers on Soil Properties ~
[A3d] ~
Side Effects of Chemical Fertilizers on Other Elements of the Global Food Production System ~
[A3e] ~
Side Effects of Chemical Fertilizers on Human Health ~

Early in the 20th century Haber (in Germany) developed a process, now primarily fueled by natural gas, which draws chemically inert nitrogen from the air and converts it into a chemical form usable by plants. World War II delayed the industrial-scale development of the process until the late 1940s, when low-cost "chemical" (inorganic) fertilizers were able to replace animal manure, crop residues and assorted organic waste products. The use of chemical fertilizers expanded 600% during the first 30 post-WWII years. It was the single most important factor in cropland productivity growth, and it made possible the "Green Revolution." It also enhanced the economics of irrigation sufficiently to cause the rapid creation of large-scale irrigation projects. These three developments were largely responsible for the doubling or tripling of the global rate of production of food and wood during the last four decades of the 20th century. One-third of the global increase in cereal production during the 1970s and 1980s has been attributed to increases in chemical fertilizer consumption (03B3). (This is not even counting the role of chemical fertilizers in the Green Revolution and in the development of large-scale irrigation projects.) It could also be argued that if Haber's process had been developed earlier (and the US had supplied Germany with the necessary natural gas), most or all of the economic wretchedness and social-, political- and military tumult of the first half of the 20th century might have been avoided. That half-century was, after all, a period when contraceptives and abortion were usually outlawed, population growth was rapid, and agricultural productivity was low, a dangerous mix according to environmental determinism theory.

One should not infer, however, that global cropland productivity can increase indefinitely simply by consuming ever-increasing amounts of chemical fertilizers. Neither should one infer that the "Green Revolution" and/or large-scale expansion of irrigation could continue indefinitely. The main reasons for the limitations of chemical fertilizers are:

Sub-Part [A3a] ~ Marginal Productivities of Chemical Fertilizers in Developed Nations ~

In the mid-19th century, Justus von Liebig formulated his "Law of the Minimum" (76J1) that states that plant growth is limited by the availability of whatever nutrient is scarcest. In other words, the marginal productivity of any plant requirement (water, sunlight, nutrients) decreases with increasing dose of that requirement. This explains, for example, why chemical fertilizer is more effective in an irrigation system than elsewhere. The marginal productivity of chemical fertilizer in the developed world is now a fraction of what it was some decades ago (91B1) (Ref. 71 of (97B3)). US farmers have discovered that there are optimal levels beyond which further applications of fertilizer are not cost-effective, and so are using less fertilizer in the mid-1990s than in the early 1980s. This trend is now also evident in Western Europe and in Japan (Ref. 71 of Ref. (97B3)). Some data on declining marginal productivities are given below.

Chemical fertilizer consumption dropped 23% during 1988-1998 (98P2) due to elimination of fertilizer subsidies in India, China, and the former USSR (94B4). If the marginal productivity of chemical fertilizers had been able to cover their marginal costs, it seems unlikely that elimination of government subsidies would have resulted in reduced consumption, or that subsidies would have been deemed necessary in the first place. This would suggest that the marginal productivity of chemical fertilizers had fallen in these nations to the point where it was not worth the unsubsidized price. As the price of chemical feed stocks (mainly natural gas, a key ingredient of chemical fertilizer) increases, the point of zero marginal economic return will come at lower doses of chemical fertilizer, and as food prices increase, the point of zero marginal economic return will come at higher doses of chemical fertilizer. This explains why farmers in some regions of sub-Saharan Africa use little or no chemical fertilizer. The price, in units of labor required to purchase a tonne of chemical fertilizer is on the order of 60 times the corresponding price in the EU. (See Part [A2] above.)

Sub-Part [A3b] ~ Marginal Productivities of Chemical Fertilizers in Developing Nations ~

If the marginal productivity of chemical fertilizers has fallen to, or nearly to, the point of zero marginal returns in the developed world, one must not extend this conclusion to the developing world without closer examination. Chemical fertilizer consumption per unit area of cropland in 1997 in developed countries was about 40% more than in developing countries (00W1). But the heavy usage of chemical fertilizers in the developed world comes, in no small part, from heavy European subsidies for chemical fertilizer consumption (98D1). Also, much of the consumption of chemical fertilizer is closely tied to use on "Green Revolution" crops. These were developed especially to make them amenable to higher doses of chemical fertilizer. In the developing world "Green Revolution" crops are limited to high base-status soil areas of tropical Asia and tropical America (18% of the tropics, and areas that are already intensively exploited (75S1)). So, even under optimal conditions, chemical fertilizer consumption per unit area of cropland in developing nations must be inherently less than in the developed world. Thus it should not be inferred that lower fertilizer consumption in developing nations means there is lots of potential for increasing fertilizer consumption in developing nations.

For all of the above reasons, the remaining justifiable potential for increasing chemical fertilizer consumption in the developing world must be well below 40%. Whatever the remaining justifiable percentage increase in inorganic fertilizer consumption in the developing world is, the percentage increase in food/ wood production to be expected from this extra fertilizer must be far less. This simply reflects the law of diminishing marginal returns and von Liebig's "Law of the Minimum." The conclusion from all of this is that it is far from clear that the developing world has a lot more potential for adding more chemical fertilizer. The exception to this is sub-Saharan Africa. They use extremely little chemical fertilizer (for reasons in Part [A2] above). Therefore they have lots of potential for increasing chemical fertilizer consumption. The problem is that they can't afford it. (See above.)

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Sub-Part [A3c] ~ Side Effects of Chemical Fertilizers on Soil Properties ~

Some previously unanticipated (and damaging) side effects of chemical fertilizers are now being more broadly recognized. These show that simply adding more and more chemical fertilizer to cropland under conditions of low marginal productivity and increasing feed stock prices is increasingly unlikely to be economically justifiable, and could easily prove to be counterproductive.

Results similar to those found in Ref. (99U2) (See above) have been found in far more extensive studies (07K1). It is often perceived that chemical nitrogen fertilizers sequester soil organic carbon by increasing the input of crop residues. This perception is shown to be false, and the opposite is found to be true. After 40 years of synthetic (chemical) fertilization in which inputs of fertilizer nitrogen exceed grain (crop) nitrogen removal by 60 to 190%, a net decline occurred in soil organic carbon despite large amounts of residual organic carbon being incorporated into the soil (07K1). These findings implicate chemical (fertilizer) nitrogen in promoting the decomposition of crop residues and soil organic matter. The results are consistent with data from numerous cropping experiments involving synthetic nitrogen fertilization in the US Corn Belt and elsewhere (07K1).

Despite the use of forage legumes, many Midwestern US soils had suffered serious declines in both nitrogen content and soil organic matter content by 1950, except in cases involving regular applications of manure. There are good reasons for being concerned that these declines could adversely affect both agricultural productivity and sustainability of cropland productivity because soil organic matter plays a key role in maintaining soil aggregation and aeration, hydraulic conductivity, water availability, cation-exchange, buffer capacity, and the supply of mineralizable nutrients (07K1). Numerous 15N-tracer studies have found that the nitrogen found in grain (crops) originates largely from soil nitrogen (the nitrogen stored in soil organic matter) rather than from the nitrogen supplied by chemical fertilizers (07K1). This means that the positive effects of chemical nitrogen fertilizers must ultimately be totally counteracted by the effects of chemical nitrogen fertilizers in reducing soil organic matter. (See Part [B5] for more details on the benefits of soil organic matter.)

Heavy use of nitrogen fertilizer in China since the 1980s has resulted in severe acidification of its cropland soils. Farmers used cheap nitrogen fertilizer like urea and ammonium carbonate. As a result, some croplands in southern China can no longer be used. The soil pH has dropped to 3-4 in some places. So maize, tobacco and tea cannot be grown. (Most plants grow best in neutral soils with a pH of 6-8 because the availability of essential nutrients is usually optimal in this range. A lot of trees cannot grow in soils with a pH of under 4.) The average pH of all (cropland) soils in China decreased by 0.5 pH unit in the past 20 years. Under natural conditions a single unit change in pH needs somewhere between hundreds of years and thousands of years. Reversing soil acidification can be accomplished quickly with lime, but that is expensive and labor-intensive. A cheaper option is to return crop residues to the soil. Crop residues are usually burned in developing nations, in part because returning crop residues to the soil is labor-intensive and machinery-intensive (10L1). (Added 2/13/10; not yet in the website.)

The nitrogen fertilizer situation is also bad in India. In 1967 India imported 18,000 tons of hybrid wheat seeds from Mexico. In the 1970s, India dramatically increased food production to the point of being able to export food instead of importing it. But the heavy government subsidies on nitrogen fertilizer (urea) for over the past three decades caused over-consumption of urea to damage cropland soils, and this caused crop yields to decline. Declining yields caused farmers to add even larger doses of urea. This forced India to resume importing food. India's rice yields are now 340 tons per km2 compared to Pakistan's 350, Sri Lanka's 370, Bangladesh's 390 and China's 650 tons per km2 (FAO data of 2008). India has now eliminated subsidies for all fertilizer except for Urea (for political reasons). India's urea subsidies pay about half the domestic industry's cost of production. India's wheat imports were 1.7 million tons in 2008, vs. 1,300 tons in 2002. Too much urea over-saturates plants with nitrogen without replenishing phosphorous, potassium, sulfur, magnesium and calcium. India's fertilizer subsidies cost $20 billion/ year, vs. $640 million in 1976. In one Indian state, farmers used 32 times more nitrogen than potassium in the fiscal year ending March 2009, vs. the recommended ratio of 4-1. Croplands need more water when fertilizer is used. This is partly responsible for India's water tables dropping dramatically (10A1). (Added 2/23/10; is also not yet on the website.)

Sub-Part [A3d] ~ Side effects of chemical fertilizers on other elements of the global food production system ~

The common practice of applying chemical fertilizer nitrogen in ever increasing excesses relative to crop (grain) nitrogen also carries serious implications for atmospheric CO2 enrichment because soils represent the Earth's major surface-carbon reservoir. Mineralization of soil organic carbon to produce atmospheric CO2 is speeded up by chemical fertilizers, and this does double damage: (1) depleting soil organic matter and (2) increasing atmospheric CO2. Also, application of chemical fertilizers beyond crop nitrogen requirements contributes to anthropogenic production of N2O, a potent greenhouse gas, and a gas with adverse implications for stratospheric ozone. In addition, excessive chemical fertilizer nitrogen promotes NO3- pollution of surface water and ground water (07K1). Excessive chemical fertilizer nitrogen applications can be reduced or eliminated by extensive use of forage legumes and applications of livestock manure (as is done in "mixed agriculture" in Europe and Wisconsin) (07K1). ("Mixed agriculture" commonly refers to farms that produce both livestock and crops. This form of agriculture is most commonly practiced on smaller farms and is probably the most sustainable form of agriculture.)

Sub-Part [A3e] ~ Side effects of chemical fertilizers on human health ~

Excess chemical fertilizer runoffs also produce high concentrations of nitrates in surface- and ground water supplies that harm human health (cancer, "blue-baby" syndrome and other illnesses) (99U2). Note that both organic and chemical fertilizers contribute to nitrates in surface- and groundwater supplies. Thus is why nitrate levels in surface and ground waters in large areas of the EU often approach or exceed legal limits (50 ppm) based on health considerations (03N1). Since the 1970s, extensive leaching of nitrate from soils into surface water and groundwater has become an issue in almost all industrial countries (OECD, 2001a) (01O1).

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Part [A4] ~ Could Genetically Modified Plants Contribute Significantly More to Global Cropland Productivity? ~
[A4a] ~
Basic Issues ~
[A4b] ~
Could "New Rice for Africa" (Nericas) put life back into the dormant "Green Revolution?" ~

Sub-Part [A4a] ~ Basic Issues ~

The question here is whether more improvements in the genetic makeup of cereal grains (like those that occurred during the "Green Revolution") could make up for the soil productivity losses resulting from all those degradation processes listed at the top of this section - or even do anything more than maintain what we already have? Below are arguments that suggest that the answer is No.

Plant breeders have never been able to fundamentally alter the basic process of photosynthesis itself, i.e. to produce more plant mass without added water, fertilizer, etc. (97B3). Instead, the "Green Revolution" contributed to global food production by increasing the "Harvest Index," the fraction of plant photosynthate devoted to seed development (i.e. grain - roughly 80% of the food people eat). The "Harvest Index" for originally domesticated wheats was around 20%. The "Green Revolution" increased the Harvest Index for wheat, rice and corn to over 50%. Scientists see a physiological upper limit to the "Harvest Index" of around 60% (97B3) (93E1) or less (99M1). This suggests that further major improvements to global food supplies via genetic improvements are unlikely. This belief is supported by the fact that, after over 20 years of research, bio-technologists have not produced a single high-yield variety of wheat, rice or corn (97B3). Maximum rice yields have been the same for 30 years. Still, official projections from the World Bank, FAO, and IFPRI assume agricultural researchers can repeat the Green Revolution (99M1). This would require a Harvest Index of over 100% - far beyond the theoretical limit.

Weighing against whatever small potential for genetic improvements still exist are the negative side effects that are likely to decrease the probability of future genetic improvements. The number of varieties of food grains in common use is shrinking as a result of planting ever fewer genetically improved grain species. Reducing biodiversity increases vulnerability to pests. Also, farmers are now planting huge monocultures instead of practicing strip-cropping and crop rotation. This gives pests an even greater advantage. Since 1900, 75% of the genetic diversity of domestic agricultural crops has been lost (98H1). Without constant infusions of new genes, geneticists cannot continue to improve crops. Cultivars need to be reinvigorated about every decade in order to protect them against genetically improved pests that keep adapting by a process of natural selection to the changing genetic make-up of crops (98H1). The most effective way to do this is to interbreed domestic varieties with wild ones (98H1). This may be one reason why, despite major increases in pesticide-use in recent decades (both in terms of tonnage and in toxicity per ton), losses to pests have not decreased. (See Part [A5]) Other reasons include an ever-increasing rate of introduction of exotic pest species as (a result of globalization of the world's economies), mono-cropping, and other ill-advised agricultural practices that largely reflect growing population pressures upon the land. The overall trend in genetics research for the past several decades appears to be away from high-yield species. The focus is shifting to damage control - developing new plant species with improved pest-resistances to replace previously developed plant species that have lost, or are losing, their resistance to genetically improved pests that keep evolving through natural selection.

The "genetically modified" crops one hears about during the past decade or two are almost entirely developments to increase pest resistance. These "modifications" were developed to counteract the genetic adaptations of pests to enable them to consume those "pest-resistant" plant species developed a decade or so earlier. So all that present-day "genetically modified" plants do is to keep one step ahead of "genetically modified" pests. Losses to pests have not decreased for some decades (See Part [A5].) This suggests that expecting significant improvements in productivity from "genetically modified" plants is likely to produce only disappointment. The objective now is to hang onto current productivities rather than advance the "Harvest Index" - the approach taken in the 1940s and 1950s when all those "miracle strains" of cereal grains were developed. There is no reason to believe this will ever change.

If we cannot develop genetically improved cereal grains of the sorts we developed back in the "Green Revolution" days of the 1940s and 1950s, perhaps we can expand the range of existing genetically improved cereal grains. Below we argue that this, too, is unlikely in all but a few instances.

Some undeveloped potential for genetic improvements to increase cereal grain productivity lies in the fact that not all grain crops now growing in developing nations are genetically improved. Across all developing countries, modern rice varieties were being grown on 74% of the planted area in 1991, modern wheat on 74% in 1994 ((98M2), p. 220 and about 70% of the world's corn in the early 1990s (00R1). Overall, it was estimated that 40% of all farmers in the developing world were using Green Revolution seeds by the early 1990s, with the greatest use found in Asia, followed by Latin America (00R1). Today's numbers would be expected to be significantly higher. However, most high-yield seed varieties of wheat, corn and rice developed by Borlaug et al during the "Green Revolution" are inapplicable for large areas of the developing world because of adverse soil conditions such as build-up of salts, iron- or aluminum excesses, or high acidity (82B1). The spread of the Green Revolution is limited to high base-status soil areas of tropical Asia and Tropical America. High base-status soils (18% of tropical soils) are already intensively exploited and have been so for some decades (75S1). It would seem therefore, that high-yielding, fertilizer-responsive crop varieties are planted on nearly all croplands that are suitable (91B1).

Also note that the basic concept behind the "Green Revolution" is to make plants better able to utilize chemical fertilizers and organic fertilizers. In Africa, very little chemical fertilizer or organic fertilizer is used, so the Green Revolution is barely applicable to Africa. The reason why chemical fertilizers are so little used in Africa is because they cost 60 times more than they cost in the European Union (in units of hours of labor per tonne of chemical fertilizer). This is due mainly to the fact that Africa has a very poor transportation infrastructure. This, in turn, is due to Africa's high population growth rates, placing huge financial demands on the infrastructure growth needed to accommodate that population growth. In a region where the median earning is less that $2/ person/ day (00S1), this makes financial capital extremely scarce, thus Africa's bad transportation infrastructure (in terms of both miles of roads and quality of roads.) The reason why so little organic fertilizer is used on Africa's croplands is that the manure from livestock and crop residues must be used as fuel for cooking food, since fossil fuels are such an expensive luxury. The result of all this is that Africa's farmers are "mining" the nutrients like nitrogen, potassium and phosphorous from their cropland soils. This is certain to diminish the productivity of Africa's croplands over time. So if any small increases do occur in the extent of utilization of genetically improved crops, these increases are likely to be counteracted by the increasing poverty of Africa's soils - soils that were of very low quality even long before Man set foot in Africa. (Australia's soils are also very poor because they are very old, i.e. there weren't any ice ages or volcanic activity to renew them.)

The miracle that has fed us for a whole generation now was the "Green Revolution:" higher-yielding crops that enabled us to almost triple world food production between 1950-1990 while increasing the area of farmland by no more than 10%. The global population more than doubled in that time, so we now live on less than half the land per person than our grandparents needed. That one-time miracle is over. Since the beginning of the 1990s, crop yields (per unit area) have essentially stopped rising (06D1).

Thus the question of whether the "Green Revolution" has yet to peak, has peaked, or has become counter-productive at its margins remains open. But it seems clear that the era of rapid productivity growth via genetic improvements is over, and has been over for at least several decades. The "Harvest Index" has hit up against its theoretical limit, or has come very close to it. To improve yields (production per unit area) in order to accommodate the 50% population growth expected by 2050 and compensate for the loss of croplands to urbanization, erosion, salinization, water-logging and other forms of degradation (total: about 0.1 million km2 out of a total global cropland inventory of about 15 million km2), (an)other process(es) will have to be found.

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Sub-Part [A4b] ~ Does "New Rice for Africa" (Nericas) put life back into the dormant "Green Revolution?" ~

In the late 1990s a new rice hybrid was bred to grow in the uplands of West Africa. It produces 50% more grain per unit area of cropland, matures 30-50 days earlier, has superior weed competitiveness, greater tolerance to soil acidity and iron toxicity, and has enhanced disease-, pest-, and drought-resistance (Ref. 36 of (03R1)). The website of the Africa Rice Center where the rice was developed does not verify the 50% productivity-enhancement figure. The new rice apparently does not increase the harvest index. Nor does it make the rice better able to make use of chemical fertilizers like the usual "Green Revolution" rice species do. Its claim to higher productivity is apparently a result of all the other improvements mentioned above. The increased pest resistance part of this productivity enhancement is only good for about a decade until genetically modified pests come along. Sub-Saharan Africa currently imports 40% of its rice needs, and rice demand doubles every 9 years or so. Taking the 50% productivity enhancement at its face value, the "New Rice for Africa" can handle only about 5 years of demand-growth before Sub-Saharan Africa is back to where it started. Clearly the development of "New Rice for Africa" is an impressive advancement. However it is also apparent that it will not have anywhere near the results that were achieved by the "Green Revolution" rice species of the 1940s and 1950s. It does not break through the theoretical "Harvest Index" barrier. The world's rice reserves are now (June 2007) at their lowest level since 1983-84. Also, rice prices are expected to double in the next few years, setting the stage for widespread food riots in West Africa (according to a warning from the World Bank (Ref. 36 of (03R1)). Nericas might postpone these food riots for a few years, but in the final analysis, this is all that Nericas has to offer.

The same problem that has plagued all of sub-Saharan Africa for decades - the lack of financial capital (07D1) - has severely limited the benefits Africans are able to derive from Nericas relative to its potential. High population growth rates create huge demands on capital to create the additional infrastructure that population growth demands. As a result:

Even a decade after Nericas was developed, it has spread to only 5% of the croplands of West Africa where it would be of value (07D1). This creates the added problem of Nericas cross-breeding with the more common types of rice each year, thereby reducing rice yields. To make matters worse, developed world aid for developing world agriculture has dropped over the past two decades (07D1).

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Part [A5] ~ Could More and Better Pesticides Sustainably Enhance Global Food Productivity? ~

In theory, one might postulate that the degradation in the world's cropland soils and the declining inventories of cropland soils could be compensated for by increasing the tonnage and potency of pesticides, thereby providing some semblance of sustainability to the world's food/ wood production systems. Unfortunately the available data indicate that this is not possible. It also seems unlikely that it will ever be possible. Some details of this reality are given below.

The share of harvest lost to pests remains largely the same as in 1950, despite much greater rates of application of pesticides and much greater toxicities per tonne of pesticides (98Y1).

During 1945-1989 in the US, insecticide applications increased 10-fold, but pre-harvest crop losses to insects nearly doubled (from 7% to 13% of the harvest in 1989) (96G1). This loss is probably in addition to the global post-harvest loss of over 20% of harvested food because of spoilage, spillage, and losses to rodents and insects (96G1). Mono-cropping, reductions in both strip cropping and crop rotation practices explains part of the higher rate of losses to pests (96G1). The decreasing genetic diversity of crops (a result of the "Green Revolution") also aids pests and necessitates increased usage of pesticides. Ever-increasing rates of introduction of exotic pest species (a product of globalization), also tends to counteract the effects of increased pesticide use and toxicity. Also, the pesticides that are developed tend to be "non-specific" meaning that they often kill non-target organisms, including the natural enemies of targeted pests. Because of the disruption of natural enemies of pests, there have been resurgences of existing pests and outbreaks of new ones (03B4).

The overall focus in plant genetics research appears to have moved away from developing new, high productivity "miracle" (genetically enhanced) strains of cereal grains. The new focus appears to be that of developing new plant species with improved pest-resistances to replace previously developed plant species that are losing their resistance to genetically enhanced pests that keep evolving through natural selection. So far, genetically enhanced pests are winning or holding their own in the race with genetically enhanced plants. It is not clear that this will ever change, especially with all the help they keep getting from the ill-advised agricultural practices, the ever increasing rates of importation of exotic pest species, and the non-specificity of pesticides described above. Almost all economically significant pests are now resistant to at least one chemical pesticide (03B4).

The trend toward monoculture does not just promote crop losses to pests. It also causes yields to decrease with time regardless of how much fertilizer is applied. A steady annual presence of a particular root system favors a few organisms - bacteria, fungi, nematodes - that are potagenic to plant roots. Changing to a different crop alters the circumstances, and all but the most unspecialized pathogens are unable to thrive in the absence of their usual host (90A1).

If all of the above weren't frightening enough, it must be pointed out that as the potency (toxicity per ton) of pesticides increase, they also become more toxic to humans as well. Also, humans have a distinct disadvantage relative to smaller pests. Smaller pests can be genetically enhanced via natural selection in something on the order of a decade (about the same time as that required to develop an improved pesticide or a new pest-resistant plant specie). Humans, on the other hand require a vastly longer time to be genetically enhanced via natural selection. Much research has been done on the effects of residual pesticides on human health. As a result, government agencies have placed restrictions on the amount of residual pesticides that various food products can contain. But there are other ways that pesticide residues can make their way into human blood streams and livers. One other way is for agricultural workers and gardeners to come into direct physical contact with pesticides residing on plant surfaces. One effect on agricultural workers and gardeners is described below.

A study followed the health of 143,000 people since 1982 tried to pick out the factors that lead to diseases. People regularly exposed to pesticides were found to have a 70% higher incidence of Parkinson's disease. Gardeners who used such chemicals were as much at risk as farm workers. The findings support the idea that exposure to pesticides is a risk factor for Parkinson's disease (a brain disease that afflicts about 150,000 Britons, with nearly 10,000 new cases a year). Scientists have suspected a link between pesticides and Parkinson's since 1983 when Californian drug addicts were diagnosed with the disease after taking impure drugs. Since then, epidemiological studies have hinted at links but few studies have been large enough to extract meaningful data. The latest research is big enough to get around that problem but it raises new questions, especially as to which pesticide(s) might be causing this effect. In Britain 31,000 tons of pesticides are applied to gardens and farms each year. Many pesticides are designed to be toxic to pests' nervous systems, so a link between pesticides and Parkinson's disease in humans should not be surprising ("US: Study Reveals Pesticides Link to Parkinson's," The Times (6/25/06)). As application rates of pesticides continue to increase, and as pesticide potencies continue to increase, the effects of pesticides on human health can hardly do anything but increase also.

A more recent study (09M1) found much the link. The study compared 368 long-time residents who lived within 500 yards of fields in California's Central Valley where the fungicide maneb and herbicide paraquat had been sprayed and compared them with 341 carefully matched controls who did not live near the fields. The results were reported in the April 2009 American Journal of Epidemiology. People who lived next to the fields where maneb and paraquat had been sprayed were, on average, about 75% more likely to develop Parkinson's disease. Those who developed the early-onset form of the disease (contacting it before age 60) had double the risk of contacting the disease if they were exposed to either maneb or paraquat alone, and four times the risk if they were exposed to both. (Parkinson's disease has been recognized since the Middle Ages, but became more prevalent in the 20th century. As many as 180 of every 100,000 Americans develop it.)

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Part [A6] ~ Could Some as-yet-Unknown Development(s) Contribute Significantly to Global Cropland Productivity? ~

Plants need water, nutrients, good genes and light for survival - little else. The water issue is within the irrigation issue. The nutrients issue is within the fertilizer issue. The genes issue is within the "green revolution" issue. All these issues have been analyzed above or elsewhere in this document and have all been found to offer little potential for contributing significantly to global cropland productivity on a scale needed to accommodate the 50% increase in global population by 2050 and also counteract the numerous degradation processes that threaten current productivities. Only light remains as a potential, not-yet-addressed source of food/ wood-productivity improvements. But this is not a variable that can be subject to much manipulation. Replacing the sun by electric light bulbs, as in hydroponics, is capable of producing only the most expensive foods (some fruits and vegetables, but not grains - 80% of human food supplies) and then only under excellent growing conditions. The notion of adding significantly to the total amount of light falling on 16 million km2 of croplands seems unrealistic, especially if we also have to create excellent growing conditions on all those millions of km2. Any argument that contends that a yet-to-be-developed technology could sustainably increase food supplies should begin by defining the unmet plant need that the new process is likely to serve. Since no un-addressed plant needs remain, it seems unlikely that other as-yet-unknown processes await development. A few possibilities, however remote, for developments that might contribute significantly to the productivity of the world's tropical croplands are described below.

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Part [A7] ~ Could typically low-fertility tropical soils be significantly increased on a large scale? ~
[A7a] ~
Fundamental Problems, [A7b] ~Tropical Soil Chemistry, [A7c] ~The Cerrado Strategy, [A7d]~"Terra-Preta" Soils ~

Sub-Part [A7a] ~ Fundamental Problems ~

Tropical soils are quite fertile in a closed cycle environment. For most tropical soils, that fertility resides in the plant life growing on these soils and in the decaying leaves, stems, branches, trunks, roots and fruit of dead plants. When you convert most tropical system to open-cycle environments, e.g. by harvesting fruits and vegetables, or removing grazing animals (e. g. beef cattle) or cutting and removing timber, soil fertilities degrade to a small fraction of what they were as closed systems. Fortunes have been lost by people trying to convert large plots of tropical land into croplands with fertilities similar to those in temperate climates. Garden plots of tropical shifting cultivators must be abandoned (fallowed) after several years of use and left unused (operated as a closed system) for several decades to allow soil fertilities to be restored. Most tropical grazing lands used for raising beef cattle etc. degrade to extremely low fertilities after 7-10 years and must then be fallowed, probably for several decades. This author does not know how long it takes for soil fertilities in forest plantations to degrade to very low values. It doubtlessly depends on the length of the timber-harvest cycle. Available data are weak.

Sub-Part [A7b] ~ Tropical Soil Chemistry ~

The basic problem is that the organic matter contents of most tropical soils are roughly a third of what they are in most temperate soils. (Organic matter contents of semi-arid or arid temperate soils are also very low - and so are their fertilities.) The useful forms of key soil nutrients (nitrogen, phosphorous, potassium, calcium, magnesium and other elements) are to be found associated with the soil organic matter. So with less soil organic matter these key nutrients get leached out into surface waters and ground waters draining the soil. Soil organic matter also increases the water-holding capacity of soils, increases their tilth, and provides numerous other benefits. (See Part [B5] for details.) The basic chemistry seems to be that there are two competing fundamental chemical reactions going on. One is the reaction of the organic matter of, say, a dead leaf with minerals, e.g. clay, to form organo-mineral complexes that are stable and long-lasting. The other chemical reaction is the "mineralization" of the organic matter in the dead leaf, e. g. carbon combining with oxygen to form CO2 that then leaves the soil, and potassium forming some non-organo-mineral compound that then leaches into the groundwater or surface water. The first of these two reactions makes the soil more fertile as a result of all those stable organo-metallic compounds remaining in the soil. The second chemical reaction contributes nothing to soil fertility since the reaction products leave the soil and go into the air, surface water, or ground water. Apparently the second chemical reaction occurs at a faster rate than the first chemical reaction at higher temperatures (typical of tropical climates), and at a slower rate at lower temperatures (typical of temperate climates). This apparently explains the high fertility of most temperate soils, and the low fertility of most tropical soils.

Sub-Part [A7c] ~ The Cerrado Strategy ~

Some developments over the past few decades in central Brazil have offered a glimmer of hope that a way to make tropical soils fertile might be found (07O1). Brazil's Cerrado region is a vast tropical savannah (semi-arid grassland) that covers 23% of Brazil in central Brazil. It was always thought that Cerrado soils were of low fertility typical of tropical soils. However, by rotating soybeans (a nitrogen-fixing legume) with other crops, and by adding lots of chemical fertilizers (plus limestone to reduce the soil's high acidity), crop yields can be greatly increased. E.g. rice yields were 740 kg./ha in 1974 vs. 2500 kg./ha in 2007. Corn yields have tripled in the Cerrado's richest soils. Soybeans add nitrogen and organic matter (via crop residues) to the soil, and the soybean crop residues apparently hold the nitrogen and perhaps other key nutrients in place, reducing the rate at which they are leached or mineralized out of the soil. Now the Cerrado yields soybeans, corn, sorghum, cotton, rice, beans and fresh produce. Sugar is limited to 10% of the area to avoid damaging the soil. (30% of Brazil's automobile fuel currently comes from sugar-cane-based ethanol.) Various genetically modified soybean species were developed by the Brazilian government to be compatible with the tropical heat and the low humidity of the Cerrado. Brazil has historically been a major exporter of only coffee and sugar. Today it is a world leader in sales of soy, beef, and orange juice (Of these, only soy is attributable to the Cerrado.) Grain output has doubled in one decade. Brazil's agriculture industry now accounts for 90% of Brazil's trade surplus of more than $40 billion/ year. There are drawbacks however. Native fruits that depended on acid soils have vanished from large areas. The Cerrado's sandy clay soil still has a low capability for holding organic wastes (typical behavior of tropical soils), so animal waste and chemical wastes wind up polluting water sources rather than enhancing soil fertilities (07O1). Many tropical soils also have a variety of serious problems with soil chemistry, so it is not clear how widely applicable the Cerrado strategy is, or whether it is sustainable over a many-decade time frame. This development is not applicable to sub-Saharan Africa because inadequate transportation infrastructure there makes chemical fertilizers too expensive. (Brazil has had an active family-planning program, so population growth rates are down significantly, so financial capital is more available for transportation infrastructure.)

Sub-Part [A7d] ~ "Terra Preta" Soils ~

A recent development with more potential than the Cerrado strategy for raising the productivity of tropical soils is being studied in Brazil (06G1). Throughout Amazonia have been found numerous patches, roughly 50 acres (20 ha) in size, of very fertile soil (called "terra preta" by people who extract the soil and sell it). These fertile patches are surrounded by typically infertile tropical soils. These fertile patches contain large amounts of charred wood ("char-wood"), nearly to the point of being charcoal. These bits of "char-wood" date back as far as 7000 years before the present. Food scraps, bones of small animals, and human excrement, had provided organic matter in these fertile soils. The charred wood buried in the soil probably came from cooking fires. Charcoal is extremely porous material full of tiny pores with lots of internal surface area. The current theory is that this huge amount of surface area provided locations for the formation of organo-mineral complexes. These are what is needed to keep soil organic matter and the nutrients in it from being mineralized (e.g. converted to CO2) or leached out of the soil into the groundwater. (Many soil clays have atomic-scale tunnels that serve the same purpose.) Research is now under way to find ways of creating 21st century copies of terra preta cheaply and in large quantities covering sizeable areas of land (06G1). Since all the ingredients are readily available, and labor is plentiful, the potential exists for significant changes in the fertility of tropical soils. Tropical grassland soils, where wood is scarce, such as the Cerrado, could not be converted to terra preta.

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Section [B] ~ BASIC DATA ~ [B1]~Non-Categorized, [B2]~Hunger- and Food Supply Issues, [B3]~Fertilizer Issues, [B4]~Cumulative Cropland Losses and Cropland Loss Rates, [B5]~Organic Matter Issues,

Part [B1] ~ Non-Categorized Data ~

It has been estimated that, today, 83% of the world's free-ice lands are impacted, directly or indirectly, by humans (02S3). The area of ice-free land in the world is about 131 million km2. 83% of 131 is 109 million km2. But only about 90 million km2 are reasonably biologically productive. So this is saying that human impacts extend over the entire world's reasonably productive land - and then some.

U. S. Department of Agriculture plant scientist Thomas R. Sinclair observes that advances in plant physiology now let scientists quantify crop-yield potentials quite precisely. The physiological limits of such metabolic processes as transpiration, respiration, and photosynthesis are well known. He notes, "except for a few options which allow small increases in yield ceilings, the physiological limit to crop yields may well have been reached under experimental conditions." In these situations, national or local, where farmers are using the highest-yielding varieties that plant breeders can provide, and the agronomic inputs and practices needed to realize fully their genetic potential, there are few options left for dramatically raising land productivity (94S3) (98B3).

Scientists estimate that the originally domesticated wheats devoted roughly 20% of their photosynthate to the development of seeds (grains - what humans eat). (20% was therefore the original "Harvest Index") Today's genetically improved wheat, rice and corn devote over 50%. The physiological limit to the Harvest Index is believed to be about 60% (Ref. 68 of Ref. (97B3)). Plant breeders have not been able to fundamentally alter the basic process of photosynthesis itself, i.e. to produce more plant mass without added water, fertilizer, etc. (97B3). After 20 years of research, bio-technologists have not produced a single new high-yield variety of wheat, rice or corn (97B3). The part of the Green Revolution involving development of "miracle" strains of cereal grains has been over for some decades now (since around 1960). Current efforts appear to focus on developing new strains that can withstand genetically improved pests that prior miracle strains are no longer immune to. Thus the goal of the Green Revolution has changed from doubling the number of people an acre of cropland can feed to being able to feed the same number of people as in the previous year. The rate of evolution of genetically improved breeds of pests appears, so far, to be similar to the rate of evolution of new cereal strains. Whether this balance can continue as the gene pools of the world's wheats, rices and corns continue to shrink remains an open question. The UNFAO estimates that, since 1900, about 75% of the world's genetic diversity of domestic agricultural crops has been lost. Without constant infusions of new genes from the wild, geneticists cannot continue to improve domestic crops. Cultivars need to be reinvigorated every 5-15 years in order to give them greater protection against diseases and insects. The most effective way to do this is to interbreed domestic varieties with wild ones (98H1).

Plant breeders at CIMMYT and IRRI increased the "harvest index" - the percentage of the plant's mass that is grain - to about 50%, almost double the previous figure (Science (8/22/97) p.1038) (99M1). However most plant breeders see little scope in wheat and rice for increasing the harvest index beyond the present value of about 50% (Statement by Roger Austin, an agricultural consultant in Cambridge, England) (99M1). Not everyone is as cautious. With varying degrees of caution, official projections from the World Bank, FAO, and IFPRI assume agricultural researchers can repeat the Green Revolution. But plant breeders note "Those maximum rice yields have been the same for 30 years. We're plateauing out in biomass." (Statement by Robert S. Loomis, agronomist at University of California, Davis.) (99M1). Repeating the Green Revolution would appear to require increasing the harvest index to 1.0 - a physical absurdity.

Effective soil conservation technologies (e.g. no-till) have spread since the 1930s, especially in North America and Europe. However, in global terms, the past 60 years have bought human-induced soil erosion and destruction of soil ecosystems to unprecedented levels (04M1) (02M1).

On a global scale, and on a historical time frame, soil erosion occurred in three main waves (04M1).

Most high-yield seed varieties of wheat, corn and rice developed by Borlaug et al during the "Green Revolution" are inapplicable for large areas of the developing world because of adverse soil conditions such as build-up of salts, iron- or aluminum excesses, or high acidity (82B1). The spread of the Green Revolution is limited to high base-status soil areas of tropical Asia and Tropical America. High base-status soils (18% of the tropics) are already intensively exploited (75S1). Large increases in the rates of application of chemical fertilizers tend to increase soil acidity and deplete soil organic matter. The effects of this are described in detail in Part [B5] and Part [A3].

Dregne and Chou (Ref. 18 of Ref. (97C1)) estimate the value of production of irrigated cropland at $62,500/ km2/ year, $9,500/ km2/ year for rain-fed cropland, and $1,750/ km2/ year for rangelands. Irrigated croplands produce about 60% of the world's crops (in dollar terms). All this gives a good perspective on the effect of water on cropland productivity.

Worldwide soil degradation mechanisms and their relative effects on soil degradation are water 56%; wind 28%; chemical degradation 12%, physical degradation 4% (90O2). Over time, croplands are expanding into semi-arid lands, more typically used as grazing lands. So the wind portion of the worldwide soil degradation mechanisms can be expected to increase over time. The rapid increase in the frequency and severity of dust storms originating in both East Asia (particularly China) and Africa tends to bear this out.

In 1998, 16% of US cropland was no-till, according to the Conservation Technology Information Center. In 2004, preliminary data shows that percentage at 22.5% (Pittsburgh Post Gazette (11/08/04)).

Low-till Agriculture Growth in South Asia: 30 km2 in 1998-99, 1000 km2 in 2000-2001 and may rise to 40,000 km2 by 2004. The technique cuts herbicide usage by 50%, water consumption by 30-50% and significantly improves yields ("New Farming Techniques Could 'Cut Food Crises in South Asia'", Financial Times (London) (10/3/01)).

Over 100 million acres (405,000 km2) (2.7%) of the world's cropland were planted under "conservation tillage" in the mid-1990s (Howard G. Buffett, Wall Street Journal (5/22/97)). No-till farming has helped reduce US water erosion by over 40% since 1982 (04K1). The Conservation Reserve Program in the US has reduced this figure significantly further. The shift away from the moldboard plow (to no-till methods) has also increased soil organic matter and has led to a looser, less erodible soil that retains more water for crops (99A2).

McGregor et al found that, on a highly erodible soil in Mississippi, erosion was reduced from 1750 tonnes/ km2/ year to 180 tonnes/ km2/ year after a no-tillage system was used (Ref. 10 of Ref. (80P1)). Triplett et al (Ref. 8 of Ref. (80P1)) found that a no-tillage system reduced soil erosion by as much as 50-fold. Many similar studies are noted in Ref. (80P1).

In a Nebraska study, soil erosion averaged 763 tonnes/ km2/ year with "till-planting", compared with an erosion rate of 2400 tonnes/ km2/ year for a plow/ disk/ harrow system (p. 151 of Ref. (76P2)).

Typical soil loss on conventionally cropped fields of the Palouse Region (8,000 km2) of the US is 5600 tonnes/ km2/ year. Minimum tillage can reduce this to 1100 (82O1). (Soil in the Palouse Region (mainly Idaho) is mainly loess (wind-deposited) soil with low organic matter and hence they are high erodible and have low productivity.)

Cropland Area Under No-Till in 1998-1999, km2 (01D1).

US

193,000

Brazil

112,000

Argentina

73,000

Canada

41,000

Australia

10,000

Paraguay

8,000

Mexico

5,000

Bolivia

2,000

Others

1,100

Total

455,000

For perspective, total global cropland area is about 15 million km2 so only about 3% of global cropland areas were under No-till during 1998-1999.

During the 36-year period when world average grain yields more than doubled from 140 tonnes/ km2 in 1961-1963 to 305 in 1997-1999 and the overall cropping intensity probably increased by some 5 percentage points, the amount of arable land required to produce any given amount of grain declined by 56%. This decline exceeded the above-mentioned 40% fall in the arable land per person that occurred during the same period (03B3).

When monoculture is practiced, yields tend to decrease with time regardless of how much fertilizer is applied. A steady annual presence of a particular root system favors a few organisms - bacteria, fungi, nematodes -that are potagenic to plant roots. Changing to a different crop alters the circumstances, and all but the most unspecialized pathogens are unable to thrive in the absence of their usual host (90A1).

Soils pushed to yield 2-3 crops/ year rapidly run out of nutrients, while bugs (pests) living in such environments thrive. Even on the IRRI's 2.52-km2 model farm, crop yields show long-term declines (91U1). (IRRI is the International Rice Research Institute.)

Birds, bats, bees and other species that pollinate North American plant life are losing population. Some 75% of all flowering plants depend on pollinators for fertilization. (Other pollinators include butterflies and wild bees.) (06E1). American honeybees, which pollinate more than 90 domestic commercial crops have declined by 30% in the last 20 years. Pesticides and introduced parasites, such as the varrora mite, have hurt honeybee population (06E1). Bats, which carry pollen to a variety of crops, have declined as cave vandalism and development destroyed some of their key cave roosts (06E1).

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Part [B2] ~ Hunger- and Food Supply Issues ~

Net cereal imports by developing countries will almost triple over the next 30 years while net meat imports might increase by a factor of almost five (03B1). (Note that the US, normally the world's largest exporter of foods, was a net importer of food in 2004.)

Although China, along with the US, is one of the world's leading grain producers, It is expected that by 2025-2030, China "will need to import 175-200 million tons [of grain]", an amount equal to the entire world's current grain exports (02W2). (Note that China recently [~2005] switched from being a grain exporter to being a grain importer.) Spreading deserts, urbanization of agricultural lands, declining soil organic matter contents and growing population help to explain China's need to increase imports.

If the Chinese were to consume seafood at the Japanese per-capita rate, China would need the entire world's wild fish catch (95B2). (See below.) It should be noted however that only about 20% of the Chinese population participated in the global economy, and even this percentage is dependent on the willingness of the US to incur massive trade deficits and a willingness to prop up the US economy with massive internal borrowing (budget deficits) - both processes that are unsustainable.

Raising per-capita beef consumption in China to that in the US would require 49 million additional tons of beef per year. If that came from cattle in feedlots, American style, it would require 343 million tons of grain per year - an amount equal to the entire US grain harvest (data from Economic Research Service, USDA, Washington DC). (See statement above about the non-sustainability of China's current prosperity.)

The number of chronically hungry people in the world is set to fall from 776 million now to 440 million in 2030, says the UN FAO. The FAO concludes that global grain production will have to rise by 1.2%/ year to meet the demand for food and feed. This is 17% higher that the 1990s average. The FAO report says the area of land under crops can increase by 20% by 2030, even with a slower rate of deforestation worldwide. But it concedes that the bulk of the production increases - up to 80% - must come from boosting yields per hectare. The FAO rejects the conclusions of other analysts, such as Lester Brown of the Earth Policy Institute in Washington, that such yield increases are unlikely. These analysts fear that the halving in the annual growth rate of grain production since the 1980s is a sign that land, water and the biological potential of crops to turn fertilizer into grain is reaching a maximum. The FAO says yield increases have slowed because of a fall in demand caused by slowing population growth - and the inability of people without money to turn their need for grain into market demand (03F1).

On 5/11/07, the US Department of Agriculture (USDA) released its first projections of world grain supply and demand for the coming crop year: 2007-2008. The USDA predicts that world grain supplies will plunge to a 53-day supply, their lowest level in the 47-year period for which data exists. The USDA projects global grain supplies will drop to their lowest levels on record. Further, it is likely that, outside of wartime, global grain supplies have not been this low in a century, perhaps longer. Most important, 2007-2008 will mark the seventh year out of the past 8 in which global grain production has fallen short of demand. This consistent shortfall has cut supplies from a 115-day supply in 1999-2000 to the current level of 53 days. The world is consistently failing to produce as much grain as it uses. The current low supply levels are not the result of a transient weather event or an isolated production problem: low supplies are the result of a persistent draw-down trend (07Q1).

UNICEF's 1998 State of the World's Children reports that malnutrition in some parts of the world has decreased, but the overall number of malnourished children is on the rise. At least 50% of all children under age 5 in South Asia (mainly India), and 33% of those in sub-Saharan Africa are malnourished (98P1).

Over 7.3 million people die from hunger annually. (BBC http://www.bbc.co.uk/worldservice/oneplanet/live.ram (1/5/00))

About 18 million people/ year, mostly children, die from starvation, malnutrition, and related causes (97H1).

In recent years, Canada, Australia, the EU and Russia have all imposed constraints on food exports (06D1)

Worldwide, an estimated 2 billion people, disproportionately women and girls, suffer from malnutrition and dietary deficiencies (97H1). (The majority of these suffer from dietary deficiencies.)

The agricultural trade deficit of the 49 LDCs (Least-Developed Countries) has increased so rapidly that, by the end of the 1990s, agricultural imports were more than twice as high as agricultural exports (Figure 9.2 of Ref. (03S3)). These are the countries that can least afford trade deficits since these must often be financed with loans from external sources.

In developing countries, demand for food has been growing faster than food production, so net imports increased from 39 million tonnes in the mid-1970s to 103 million tonnes in 1997/99 (Figure 3.7 of Ref. (03A1)). Aggregate self-sufficiency (percentage of consumption covered by production) in these countries declined from 96 to 91%. If we exclude the three major developing cereal exporters (Argentina, Thailand and Viet Nam) net imports of the other developing countries increased from 51 to 134 million tonnes and self-sufficiency fell from 93% to 88% (03A1).

The World Bank (00W3) stated: "On balance, we do not see compelling reasons why real commodity prices should rise during the early part of the 21st century, while we see reasons why they should continue to decline". The World Bank obviously did not foresee the development of biofuels manufactured from corn, nor did they foresee the major economic expansions in China and India that raised [and will probably continue to raise] global prices and demands for oil, food, minerals and other commodities. Such prices make it increasingly difficult for developing nations to afford imported food. This makes food riots and large-scale hunger increasingly likely.

The FAO contends that historical evidence suggests that the growth of the productive potential of global agriculture has so far been more than sufficient to meet the growth of effective demand. This is what the long-term term decline in the real price of food suggests (03A1) (Figure 3.1 of Ref. (00W3)). The fallacies in this view are discussed at length in Section (D) of the previous (introductory) chapter of this document. The long-term decline in real food prices (40% between 1961 and around 2000) occurred during a period of huge increases in consumption of chemical fertilizers, the development and rapid increase in use of genetically improved strains of cereal grains, and the rapid expansion of large-scale irrigation. Today's environment is completely different as should be clear from Section (A) of this chapter and there is no reason for believing that the future will see any sort of return to the environment of the second half of the 20th century. See Section [D] of the introductory chapter for further analyses. The FAO uses these declining food prices to conclude that, in practice, world agriculture has been operating in a demand-constrained environment (03A1). This may very well be true if one takes the date from 1960 to 2000 when three massive changes were underway in agriculture - changes that cannot continue much longer (See Section [A] above).

The FAO further notes that the "demand-constrained environment" has coexisted with hundreds of millions (800-900 million) of the world population not having enough food. The FAO then notes that the situation of un-met demand coexisting with actual or potential plenty is not specific to food and agriculture. It is found in other sectors as well, such as housing, sanitation and health services (03A1). The FAO's contention that the lack of food is conceptually similar to the lack of housing, sanitation and health services needs to be examined more carefully. Housing, sanitation and health services are all very capital-intensive components of the basic infrastructure of an economy. Developing nations virtually all suffer an extreme scarcity of financial capital as a result of the extremely high costs of the infrastructure growth needed to accommodate the high population growth rates found throughout the developing world. Agriculture in developing nations is not, or need not be, capital intensive. All that is required is land, labor and some seeds - all items of very low capital intensity so long as excess (unused) arable land is readily available. The FAO contends that undeveloped arable land exists in plentiful supply. If this contention were true there would be no reason for those hundreds of millions of people to not have enough food. There would also be no need for farmers to raise their crops and livestock on steep low-grade land where sustainable agriculture is difficult if not impossible. There would also be no need for farmers to raise crops and livestock on semi-arid lands where risks of wind erosion and long-tern drought are very high. There would also be no need for farmers to migrate in huge numbers to the wretched slums ringing essentially all major urban areas of the developing world where they must become part of the "informal" economy where just survival is a major challenge. The FAO needs to admit that the lack of food is fundamentally different from the lack of housing, sanitation and health care - or it needs to admit that undeveloped arable land is nowhere near as plentiful as the FAO believes it to be. They cannot have it both ways.

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Part [B3] (Empty)

Part [B4]~ Cumulative cropland losses and cropland loss rates ~

The global rate of irrigated land loss to salinization and waterlogging is 20-30,000 km2/ year (94K3).

The global cropland urbanization rate: 20-40,000 km2/ year (92P2), (94K3).

Russia's semi-arid croplands are being abandoned at a rate of 5000 km2/ year because they are so severely wind-eroded that they are no longer worth farming (p. 18 of Ref. (84B3)).

Wind erosion removes 15,000 km2/ year of semi-arid croplands from production in the former Soviet Union. A much larger area in the former Soviet Union is damaged to some degree each year (89S3).

In Himachal Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Assain, Jarumu and Kashmir in India, tens of thousands of km2 have no more soil covering the rocky substrata (75E1).

India's wastelands - areas affected seriously by salinity, alkalinity, wind- and water erosion - cover one million km2, of which 420,000 km2 are still being cultivated. Ravines in India have swallowed 40,000 km2 (87U1).

Erosion associated with shifting cultivation has denuded 27,000 km2 east of Bihar, India (96G2).

Some 38% of Nepal's eastern hills consist of fields abandoned due to soil erosion (85J1). (Abandonment of cropland usually reflects gully erosion. This is usually permanent.)

In northern Ethiopia, "stone deserts" have replaced nearly 40,000 km2 of what once were fertile farmlands ((88J1), p. 9).

Nigeria was losing 500 km2 of cropland to desertification per year in 2001(announcement by Nigeria's Minister of Environment (January 2001)).

In Tanzania's Kondoa Province, nearly 1500 km2 are so badly damaged by gully erosion that they cannot be rehabilitated (Ref. 13 of Ref. (87E2)).

Mexico abandons 1036 km2 of farmland to desertification per year (94S4).

About 170,000 km2 of Australia's 300,000 km2 (of dryland cropland) are likely to be destroyed by salinity by 2050, based on current trends (01B1) (02C1).

Over the last 20 years, 50% of Mongolia's wheat land has been abandoned, and wheat yields have also fallen by 50%, shrinking the harvest by 75%. Mongolia is almost 3 times the size of France with a population of 2.6 million, and now imports nearly 60% of its wheat (07B1). Mongolia's permanent and arable cropland area is about 15,700 km2. So estimate the lost (abandoned) wheat land at about 5000 km2.

China loses 1200 km2/ year of farmland and pastureland to drifting sand dunes (86W4). The spread of deserts in China is widely attributed to deforestation and overgrazing.

Oxford-based expert Norman Myers says Morocco, Tunisia and Libya are each losing over 1000 km2 of productive land a year to desertification (05L2).

NOTE: The document "Topsoil Loss -Causes, Effects and Implications: A Global Perspective" contains much more data similar to the data given above.

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Part [B5] ~ Soil Organic Matter Issues ~

Soil organic matter plays many important roles in determining the productivity of cropland soils ((66K1), p. 228):

Organic Matter in the Upper 50 cm. of Topsoil Relates Closely to Corn Yields (Ref. 23 of Ref. (83S1)), i.e.:

Organic Matter (tonnes/ km2)

4000

5000

7000

9000

11,000

Corn Yield (tonnes/ km2/ year)

160

260

300

340

400

Soils in China are low in organic matter because 60% of crop residues are typically removed from fields and used for forage or fuel (95B2) (Ref. 41 of (95P1)). About 90% of crop residues are removed and burned for fuel in Bangladesh (95P1). This would suggest that a similar percentage of manure is also burned for fuel.

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Section [C] ~ HUMAN PRESSURES ON THE LAND: NON-SUSTAINABLE CROPLAND PRODUCTIVITY ~ [C1]~Global, [C2]~Central Asia, [C3]~Asian Sub-Continent, [C4]~Southeast Asia, [C5]~Sub-Saharan Africa, [C6]~Latin America, [C7]~Australia and Oceania, [C8]~Far East, [C9]~North America, [C10]~Middle East and North Africa

Note: The data below is a sampling of a far larger set of data to be found in "Topsoil Loss - Causes, Effects and Implications: A Global Perspective," Edition 7 (July 2007) in this same website.

Part [C1] ~ Global ~

Percent of the arable land expected to degrade to non-arable status by 2025 (04H1)

Africa

67%

Asia

33%

South America

20%

Much of this land is probably in semi-arid regions where productivities tend to be low, organic matter contents are low, and hence resistance to water- and wind erosion is also low.

Deforestation and soil erosion were factors in almost every civilization collapse studied by Jared Diamond in his book (04D1). For example, deforestation in what is now eastern Turkey created the massive soil erosion and hence the river sediments that ruined the irrigation systems in the Tigris-Euphrates Valley.

Soil degradation has affected 67% of the world's agricultural (crop?) lands in the last 5 decades. (00U3). "Agricultural" sometimes include grazing lands and sometimes not. Grazing lands tend to degrade faster than croplands because semi-arid and arid soils tend to have low organic matter contents and thus are more erosion-prone. Also, erosion gullies destroy the usefulness of croplands, but not grazing lands. Also most of the productivity of grazing lands is found in the riparian habitats (only a few percent of the total area) and cattle tend to congregate there and destroy these areas quickly.

The UNEP Global assessment of soil degradation survey reveals that over 3 billion acres (12 million km2) of land (11% of the earth's vegetated surface) have been seriously degraded since 1945. Some 2/3 of these degraded lands are in Asia and Africa (92M3). These data are of minimal value because it does not distinguish between cropland and grazing land. The size of the degraded area is about 75% of the global area of croplands, so clearly other land classes are involved. Because of the extreme difference in the economic productivities of croplands and grazing lands, the above statement has little value. (The economic productivity of irrigated croplands, rain-fed croplands, and grazing lands vary as 35.8: 5.4: 1.0.)

Destructive agricultural practices (on croplands?) account for 28% of global land degradation. Over-grazing accounts for another 35%. (World Resources Institute Press Release (3/24/92)). Presumably the total land area is assumed to be the ice-free area. Presumably the degraded cropland figure includes irrigated lands that have been abandoned due to salinization or waterlogging.

Nearly 40% of the world's agricultural land is seriously degraded, according to scientists at the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI). Evidence compiled by IFPRI suggests that soil degradation has already had significant impacts on the productivity of 16% of the world's agricultural (crop?) land (00L1).

Some 100,000 km2 of the world's cropland is being eroded and abandoned each year throughout the world. (99P2) (Ref. 7 of Ref. (97P3)) This number probably includes irrigated cropland salinization and urbanization of cropland.

Globally, desertification claims 60,000 km2/ year irreversibly, and 200,000 km2/ year reversibly (Ref. 8 of Ref. (88J1)).

Some 60,000 km2/ year of land becomes so severely degraded that it loses its productive capacity and becomes wasteland (Ref. 11 of Ref. (91B2)). (This probably includes both cropland and grazing lands.)

(Cumulative) Areas of Moderate- to Excessive Soil Degradation (in millions of km2)

Region

Water
Eros.

Wind
Eros.

Chem.
Degrad.

Phys.
Degrad.

Urban
Devel.

Total
=

Africa

1.70

0.98

0.36

0.17

?

3.21

Asia

3.15

0.90

0.41

0.06

?

4.52

South America

0.77

0.16

0.44

0.01

?

1.38

N./ Central Amer.

0.90

0.37

0.07

0.05

?

1.39

Europe

0.93

0.39

0.18

0.08

?

1.58

Australasia

0.03

?

0.01

0.02

?

0.06

Totals

7.48

2.80

1.47

0.39

4.745*

16.89

* The Urban Development datum is from Ref. (00W1). A partial allocation among regions is given in Table FG.5.
Source: Ref. (
90O1) (See Ref. (92N1), Table 4)

Human-Induced Soil Degradation between 1945-1990 (Oldeman et al. (1990) and WRI (1992) in Ref. (96N1))
Degradation is in units of millions of km2/ % of vegetated land.

Region

Light

moderate,
severe, or
Extreme

Totals

Europe

0.606/ 6.4

1.583/ 16.7

2.189/ 23.1

Africa

1.736/ 7.8

3.206/ 14.4

4.942/ 22.1

Asia

2.945/ 7.8

4.525/ 12.0

7.470/ 19.8

Oceania

0.966/ 12.3

0.062/ 0.8

1.029/ 13.1

North America

0.168/ 0.9

0.787/ 4.4

0.955/ 5.3

Cent. Amer./ Mexico

0.019/ 0.7

0.609/ 24.1

0.628/ 24.8

South America

1.048/ 6.0

1.385/ 8.0

2.434/ 14.0

World

7.490/ 6.5

12.154/10.5

19.644/ *

* 17% of 115.5

A global map showing degree of desertification of arid lands from Dregne's Book "Cropland Degradation" (from a 1991 UN study) (97G1) (Areas are in units of 1000 km2)

Cropland degraded (1945-1990) (total)

5520

Cropland "Strongly" or "Extremely" degraded*

860

(* Beyond restoration, or requiring major engineering work)

Cropland lost via degradation (1945-1990) (annually)

20

Cropland lost via degradation (current) (annually)

50-100

Globally, 1.6 million km2 of hillside land were identified as "severely eroded" in 1989 (96G2).

If the most severe degradation (that which leads to abandonment) continues at its 1945-1990 rate, 470,000 km2 will be lost by 2020 (Ref. 53 of (96G2)). (1945-1990 losses were 860,000 km2 (Ref. 44 of Ref. (96G2)).) (Current cropland loss rate from degradation severe enough to pull land from production = 50-100,000 km2/ year (Ref. 44 of Ref. (96G2)).)

The UNEP GLASOD study concluded that, globally, 2.95 million km2 are so degraded that restoration to full productivity is beyond the normal means of a farmer, but could be restored with major investments. 9.1 million km2 are moderately degraded to the point that original biotic functions are partly destroyed, and agricultural productivity is greatly reduced (92N1). Urbanized lands (about 4.75 million km2 (00W1)) should be added to this list.

A study by Oldeman et al (Ref. 15 of Ref. (97C1)) calculated that of the world's 87.35 million km2 of croplands, grasslands and forestlands:

*** The 77% are probably forestland and non-grazed grasslands.

Soil degradation induced by human activity, globally, since 1945: 20 million km2 - 17% of the Earth's vegetated land (UNEP study). Of these 20 million km2, 38% are lightly degraded - full potential for recovery; 46% are moderately degraded - restorable only through considerable financial and technical investment; 15% are severely degraded -no agricultural utility under local management systems and reclaimable only with major international assistance; 0.5% are extremely degraded - incapable of supporting agriculture and irreclaimable (95D3). These degraded lands occupy 20% of Asia's vegetated lands, 22% of Africa's and 23% of Europe's. Direct causes: overgrazing (35%), deforestation (30%), other agricultural activities (28%), over-exploitation for fuel wood (7%), and bio-industrial activities (1%) (95D3).

Status of Global Dry-land* Degradation as of 1983-1984 (89P2)
(Col. 2= Area at least moderately degraded (in millions of km2))
(Col. 3= Total global area of that land category (in millions of km2))
(Col. 4= Area deteriorating to zero net economic return (in millions of km2/ year))

Land Category

Col.2

Col.3

Col.4

Rangeland

31.00

36.90

0.177 (0.48%/ year)

Rain fed Cropland

3.35

5.68

0.020 (0.35%/ year)

Irrigated Cropland

0.40

1.29

0.006 (0.47%/ year)

Totals

34.75

43.87

0.203 (0.46%/ year)

* Land in arid, semi-arid, sub-humid climatic zones

Arid lands tend to be more fragile than moister lands. Over-grazing is more widespread than soil erosion. (Most rangeland is semi-arid or arid land and is overgrazed; flat cropland usually shows negligible erosion.) Rangeland economics may be inherently more marginal than cropland economics. So conclusions comparing rangeland erosion to cropland erosion are hard to draw.

Agronomist H. Dregne's Classification of Cropland Erosion (90B2) (goes with the table below)

Slight

(yield potential reduced by less than 10%)

Moderate

(yield potential reduced 10-50%)

Severe

(yield potential reduced by more than 50%)

Distribution of Cropland Among Dregne's Categories (90B2) (Figures are in percent, and totals in each row add up to 100%)

Continent

Slight

Moderate

Severe

Africa

60

23

17

Asia

56

28

16

Australia

38

55

7

Europe

69

25

6

N. America

70

23

7

S. America

73

17

10

About 11% of cropland in Asia is seriously degraded (00L1).

Oldeman (98O1) estimates the global cumulative loss of cropland productivity at about 13%, but there are large regional differences. Africa and Central America may have suffered declines of 25 and 38% respectively since 1945. Asia and South America, on the other hand, may have lost only about 13%, while Europe and North America have lost only 8%. Ref. (99U4) does not accept Crosson's assessment and argues that land degradation is so bad that it has negated many of the gains in land productivity of recent decades. Support for this view comes from detailed analysis of resource degradation under intensive crop production systems in the Pakistan and Indian Punjab (01M1) (03N1).

The cumulative productivity loss from soil degradation over the past 50 years has been roughly estimated using GLASOD data, to be about 13% for croplands and 4% for pasture lands (98O1) Rangeland degradation is probably a lot more, since rangeland is more arid, generally, than pastureland, and therefore more susceptible to degradation from overgrazing etc. Such a magnitude of loss is totally insignificant relative to the productivity gains from increased consumption of chemical fertilizers, genetic advances ("Green Revolution") and expansion of large-scale irrigation.

In developing countries, agricultural productivity is estimated to have declined significantly on 16% of agricultural lands. The GLASOD study estimates that almost 74% of Central America's agricultural land (defined by GLASOD as cropland and planted pastures) is degraded, as is 65% of Africa's and 38% of Asia's ((99S1), p. 18).

Detailed studies based on predictive models for Argentina, Uruguay and Kenya calculate agricultural yield reductions of 25-50% over the next 20 years ((97M2), p. 39-40).

Globally, about 10% of presently cultivated land, and 8% of rangeland have probably experienced a severe loss of productivity. Perhaps 65% of rain-fed croplands have sustained a moderate (10-50%) loss. The situation is considerably worse in developing countries (85D2).

Soil degradation in developing countries is growing worse owing to increased burning of crop residues and livestock dung for fuel. This reduces soil nutrients (94M1), (90D4) and intensifies soil erosion, mainly due to loss of organic matter. The increased burning is probably due mainly to population growth and increased firewood scarcity.

Burning of Agricultural Waste (billions of tonnes/ year of dry matter) (91A2)

Tropical America

0.20

USA and Canada

0.25

Tropical Africa

0.16

Western Europe

0.17

Tropical Asia

0.99

USSR /E. Europe

0.23

Tropical Oceania

0.017

World Total

2.02

Assumptions: 80% of agricultural waste is burned in developing countries and 50% of such waste is burned in developed countries, with a combustion efficiency of 90%. Presumably the remainder is left on the soil to enhance the soil organic matter content.

An assessment by International Soil and Reference Information Centre (ISRIC) found that, of the 115 million km2 of vegetated land on Earth (17%) is degraded, largely through erosion, and 16% can no longer support crops. The main causes, according to the survey, were deforestation and agricultural practices such as overgrazing (04K1). Other analysts contend that the global area of reasonably biologically productive land is on the order of 90 million km2 - not 115 million. (See Section 2 of the Soil Degradation Review) Also, about 4.75 million of that 90 million km2 is now urbanized.

Soil erosion rates are highest in Asia, Africa and South America (3000-4000 tonnes/ km2/ year), and lowest in the US and Europe (1700 tonnes/ km2/ year) (Ref. 16 of Ref. (95P1)). This probably reflects the difference in population pressures on the land, resulting in cropping on steeper slopes, shorter fallow periods, etc.

Over 100,000 km2 of cropland (global) are degraded and lost annually due to wind- and water erosion. (David and Marcia Pimentel, Population Press (4/4/00)). This figure includes salinization and urbanization - at least according to some sources - see below.

Soil erosion and other forms of land degradation now rob the world of 50-70,000 km2/ year of farming (arable?) land (98H1).

Worldwide, soil erosion has caused abandonment of 4.3 million km2 of arable land during the last 4 decades (110,000 km2/ year) (90U1), (90U2). (The 4.3 million km2 estimated to have been abandoned during a 4-decade period is supported by the World Resources Institute's estimate that cropland is lost by erosion at a rate of 100,000 km2/ year.)

Globally, At least 100,000 km2/ year of cropland are lost to degradation (92P2). The breakdown is 50-70,000 km2/ year to soil erosion, 20-40,000 km2/ year to urbanization, and 20-30,000 km2/ year to salinization and waterlogging for a total of 90-140,000 km2/ year (94K3).

Since WWII, as many as 89,000 km2 of the world's lands have been so ruined by over-grazing, deforestation, and unstable agricultural practices that they are impossible to reclaim. Another 12 million km2 are considered "seriously degraded." These could be restored, but only at great cost (92U2).

Globally, more than 770,000 km2 of land is salt-affected by secondary salinization: 20% of irrigated land, and about 2% of dryland agricultural land (FAO, AGL, 2000 data) (06S1). The area of irrigated cropland is about 23% of the area of dryland agricultural cropland.

The global rate of irrigated land loss to salinization and waterlogging is 20-30,000 km2/ year (94K3).

The global cropland urbanization rate: 20-40,000 km2/ year (92P2), (94K3).

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Part [C2] ~ Central Asia ~

The Institute for Soil Management estimates that Kazakhstan's grain land area will be reduced by over 25% when the rapidly eroding portion of its grain land is abandoned (97B2). Grain land in Kazakhstan is forecasted to stabilize at 130-160,000 km2 - 50-67% of the 1980s peak area (97G1). This was probably part of the former Soviet Union's "Great Lands" debacle in 1954-1962 (96G2).

Some 27% of the former Soviet Union's land area is used for agriculture. No more than 2/3 of this land is considered arable (89S3).
The USSR's harvested grain area was 1.23 million km2 in 1977; 0.94 million km2 in 1994 (
95B1).
USSR summer fallow: 170-180,000 km2 (in the late 1960s and early 1970s) (
84B2).
USSR summer fallow: 120,000 km2 (in the mid-1970s) (
84B2).
Drops in area fallowed probably reflect increased human pressures on the land.

Farming in the former Soviet Union has been extended into highly marginal rainfall areas. This is evidence that the prospects for expanding the former Soviet Union's cropland base were not good, even in the 1970s (p. 34 of Ref. (78B2)).

Russian croplands are abandoned at a rate of 5000 km2/ year because they are so severely wind-eroded that they are no longer worth farming (p. 18 of Ref. (84B3)). This is a result of cropping typically semi-arid lands that should have been left as grazing lands.

Wind erosion removes 15,000 km2/ year of cropland from production in the former Soviet Union (89S3). A much larger area in the former Soviet Union is damaged to some degree each year (89S3).

Some 26,000 km2 (72% of Kazakhstan's wind-eroded cropland) have suffered severe erosion (93M2). Conversion of grazing land to cropland, and removal of straw from fields for use as fodder have severely diminished soil fertility and humus content (4.1% down to 2.9% in the past 22 years (a loss of 4500 tonnes/ km2)) (93M2).

In Kazakhstan (the largest grain producer in central Asia), the Institute of Soil Management projects a loss of 30% of grain-land because of severe soil erosion (97B3).

Excess topsoil loss from the former Soviet Union's croplands is nearly 2.1 Gt./ year (84B2). Ref. (85B3), p. 19, gives an erosion rate of 2.3 Gt./ year. 5000 km2 of Russian croplands are abandoned annually because they are so severely wind-eroded that they are no longer worth farming ((84B3), p. 18) (84B2).

Nearly 50% of the 6.1 million km2 of cultivated land in the former Soviet Union is imperiled by erosion and other ills. About 1.6 million km2 are saline, 1.1 million km2 are eroded, 0.25 million km2 are waterlogged or swampy, 13% more are rocky, hilly or over-grown ((78B2), p. 34).

Pravda (newspaper) reports that the Soviet Union is suffering from a catastrophic decline in soil fertility (90B2). 1000 km2 of (the former) Soviet Union's croplands are lost to gullies yearly. 1.52 million km2 (2/3 of arable land) has lost fertility as a result of water erosion and wind erosion (90B2).

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Part [C3] ~ Asian Sub-Continent ~

In India's Rajasthan, 30% of the (semi) arid land was being cultivated in 1951, and 60% was being cultivated in 1971, mainly at the expense of grazing lands and traditional long-fallow periods (FAO data) (86G2) (86G3). This usually results in severe wind erosion sooner or later - recall the "dust-bowl" in Oklahoma and surrounding states during the 1930s and the "Great Lands" fiasco in the Soviet Union in 1954-1962 (96G2).

Crop yields in Nepal have declined 22-30% due largely to erosion (91N2).

For the past 6 years Bhutan (South Central Asia) (Asian Sub-Continent) has been losing about 1000 acres (4 km2) of paddy growing (crop) land annually to development (urbanization) activities, natural disasters and regeneration of forests. Bhutan has only 71,832 acres (291 km2) of such wetlands out of which 23,132 acres (94 km2) were lying fallow according to renewable natural resources 2003 statistics. ("Maintaining food security", Kuensel Online, (3/2/05)).

In the lower Himalayas, the land has lost its capacity for any productive purpose according to ecologist P. R. Ramakrishnan of Jawaharlal Neru University (04K1).

In Himachal Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Assain, Jarumu and Kashmir in India, tens of thousands of km2 have no more soil covering the exposed rocky substrata (75E1).

In the Deccan's "black soil" region of India, soil erosion rates are 4000-10,000 tonnes/ km2/ year ((86P1), Ref. 5).

India's wastelands - areas affected seriously by salinity, alkalinity, wind- and water erosion - cover one million km2, of which 420,000 km2 are still being cultivated. Ravines in India have swallowed a total of 40,000 km2 (87U1).

Erosion associated with shifting cultivation has denuded 27,000 km2 east of Bihar, India (96G2).

In the Annapurna region (in central Nepal), erosion rates on grazing land and croplands are 2000-5000 tonnes/ km2/ year (Ref. 51 of Ref. (95D1)).

In Nepal, soil erosion rates in hills and mountains are 2000-5000 tonnes/ km2/ year in agriculture fields, and 20,000 tonnes/ km2/ year in some highly degraded watersheds (92C2). Crop yields in these watersheds declined by 8-21% during 1970-1995 (03N1).

Some 38% of Nepal's eastern hills consist of fields abandoned due to soil erosion (85J1). Abandonment of cropland usually reflects gully erosion. This is usually permanent for croplands - but not grazing lands.

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Part [C4] ~ Southeast Asia ~[C4a]~Philippines, [C4b]~Indonesia, [C4c]~Malaysia, [C4d]~Thailand,

In Southeast Asia, increasing population pressures on the land have extended the use of steep hill slopes particularly for maize production. This has led to a significant increase in erosion on lands with slopes of greater than 20% (91H5) (03N1).

Sub-Part [C4a] ~ Southeast Asia - Philippines ~

In the Philippines, hillside agriculture accounted for 10% of all agricultural lands in 1960, but 30% in 1987 (94A1). Presumably "agricultural" here refers only to croplands, not grazing lands.

In Zamboanga del Sur Province of the Philippines, farmers testify to an 80% decline in corn yield over 15 years. Cumulative soil loss has been up to 1meter depth over boulders and core stones (85O2).

Sub-Part [C4b] ~ Southeast Asia - Indonesia ~

Slopes of over 50% are being cultivated on a continuous basis in Java in Indonesia (90H2). China limits the slope of croplands to 28%.

In Java and Bali (in Indonesia), 400,000 km2 are badly eroded as a result of deforestation (84G1).

In Sarawak (Indonesia), soil loss from logged areas was over 10,000 tonnes/ km2/ year, vs. about 10 tonnes/ km2/ year from primary forest (96G3) (a negligible rate). Much of Indonesia's logging is done illegally. (See Forest Lands Degradation Review in this website.)

Indonesia's main island (Java) must be one of the most eroded places in Asia, if not the world. Indonesia's government classifies more than 10,000 km2 (8% of croplands) as critically eroded (85U1) (Ref. 56 of Ref. (92D1)). The land is said to be so badly degraded that it already is, or soon will be, unable to sustain even subsistence agriculture. Some small fields are losing 5 cm. of soil/ year (150,000 tonnes/ km2/ year) (92D1) (85U1).

In Java's uplands of Indonesia, the eroded part of croplands expands by 1-2%/ year, and covers about one third of the total cultivated area (96M1).

Sub-Part [C4c] ~ Southeast Asia - Malaysia ~

In Malaysia's Cameron Highlands, most cultivated areas are on slopes of 18-70% (91H4). Malaysia has severe soil erosion even though terracing is common (91H4). Even China limits the slope of croplands to 28%.

Sub-Part [C4d] ~ Southeast Asia - Thailand ~

Erosion in Thailand is blamed for an average yield decline of 50% for corn and upland rice (Ref. 2 of Ref. (92D1).

Estimated (USLE) erosion rates run as high as 100,000 tonnes/ km2/ year on steep deforested land where intensive subsistence agriculture is practiced in Thailand. Deforestation and erosion both appear to be even worse in the Karat Plateau of Northeastern Thailand (Ref. 17 of Ref. (92D1)).

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Part [C5] ~ Sub-Saharan Africa ~[C5a]~In General, [C5b]~Rwanda, [C5c]~Zimbabwe, [C5d]~Kenya, [C5e]~Nigeria, [C5f]~Ethiopia, [C5g]~Tanzania, [C5h]~Madagascar

Sub-Part [C5a] ~ Sub-Saharan Africa - In general ~

The fallow system in the West African Sahel region was used to preserve soil fertility. That system has almost disappeared. Farmers in some regions now cultivate their land year-around, and with low levels of fertilization, causing the soils to quickly lose their productivity (07N1). In essence the West African Sahel is subjecting its croplands to "nutrient mining." The eastern part of Burkina Faso in the Sahel continues to maintain its cropland soil fertility (01M2).

In 2002 a UN team found: "Agriculture in Lesotho faces a catastrophic future; crop production is declining and could cease altogether over large tracts of the country if steps are not taken to reverse soil erosion, degradation, and the decline in soil fertility." Nearly 50% of children under five in Lesotho are stunted physically. Many are too weak to walk to school (07B1)." Sub Saharan African farmers use very little fertilizer, either organic (manures) or chemical (due to high cost caused by poor transportation infrastructure).

The large and growing numbers of livestock and the cultivation of the lowland's more marginal lands have accelerated land degradation in the Pangani River basin of Tanzania (07M1).

African soils are, by nature extremely poor. They are very low in both organic matter and nutrients. Farmers in Sub-Saharan Africa once used fallow periods to replenish soil nutrients, but population pressures made this option unaffordable, so they have been essentially mining soil nutrients for some decades (02F1). Also the lack of fossil fuel and high prices of chemical fertilizers (6 times the price in the EU) forced farmers to use animal dung as fuel, depriving cropland soils of organic matter.

About 20% of Africa's cropland area is seriously degraded (00L1).

Desert + cumulative desertified land in Africa = 7.42 million km2 (25% of Africa) (Ref. 38 of Ref. (88L1)). Others estimate that as much as 65% of Africa is prone to some degree of desertification (Refs. 6, 7, 69 of Ref. (88L1)).

In the early 1960s, fertilizer use in Sub-Saharan Africa was about 500 kg./ km2/ year, compared to 10 in India and China. In the 1990s, China was using 240 kg. / km2/ year and India about 110, but Sub-Saharan Africa was using about 8. But in a number of Sub-Saharan African countries, nutrient losses exceed 6 tonnes/ km2/ year of nitrogen, phosphorus and potassium (NPK) (02F1). (This is called "nutrient-mining.")

In Europe, urea costs about US$90/ tonne. Shipping it to a port in Kenya or Mozambique raises the price to about US$120/ tonne. Getting it into the African interior raises the price to $500/ tonne in eastern Uganda, and $770 in Malawi. These rates are 6 times greater than prices in Asia, Europe and North America. Infrastructure is the cause of much of the problem. Much of Africa has less than 10% of the road density of India. India has 1004 km. of paved road per million people, China has 803; Ghana has 494; Uganda has 94; Ethiopia has 66 (02F1). Taxes on imported fertilizer worsen the situation (02F1). Organic soil amendments lack some nutrients such as phosphorus. Manures have only 2% nitrogen (02F1). Sub-Saharan African farm soils are poor in organic matter, making them less fertile and more erosion-prone, but farmers cannot raise livestock (an organic matter [manure] source) because of population pressures on the land. Also, instead of putting manure and crop residue in soils, people burn them for fuel because they cannot afford to import oil (02F1).

Higgins and Kassam (Ref. 20 of Ref. (90L1)) estimated that soils of tropical Africa, if properly used, and at low levels of inputs, could feed 3 times the 1975 African population, and 1.5 times the estimated population in 2000. At intermediate levels of input, Africa could feed 5 times the population projected for 2000 (90L1). Norman Borlaugh (father of the Green Revolution) has made similar statements.

Crop yields hover around 1 tonne/ km2 in many parts of sub-Saharan Africa, compared to 6-7 tons per km2 common in rain-fed systems in the US and Europe (04M1). Sub-Saharan Africa uses very little chemical fertilizer because it is so expensive - about 60 times more on the basis of hours of labor to purchase a ton of chemical fertilizer - in large part due to inadequate transportation infrastructure. As a result, African farmers are unsustainably mining the nitrogen, phosphorous and potassium from their cropland soils. Animal dung is commonly used as fuel for cooking (a substitute for oil that Africans cannot afford) so it cannot be used as fertilizer either.

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Sub-Part [C5b] ~ Sub-Saharan Africa - Rwanda ~

The latest (1994) of several genocides in Rwanda claimed over 900,000(?) people - 14% of Rwanda's population, the overwhelming majority of them Tutsis, but in northwestern Rwanda at least 5% of the residents were slaughtered even though there were no Tutsis. Rwanda contained 2040 people per square mile, twice the population density of the Netherlands (a nation that has far better soils, far more fertilizer and far greater ability to import food). The average Rwandan farmer worked 0.07 acre of land with agricultural practices not far removed from those of the Stone Age. By 1990, 40% of Rwanda's population was living on less than 1600 calories per day - famine level. A team of Belgian economists concluded that the outbreak of fighting "provided a unique opportunity to settle scores or reshuffle land properties, even among Hutus". It is not rare to hear Rwandans argue that the war was necessary to wipe out an excess population and bring numbers in line with the available land resources (04D1).

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Sub-Part [C5c] ~ Sub-Saharan Africa ~ Zimbabwe ~

Some 80% of Zimbabwe's population lives in communal farming areas, while the rest live in large commercial farming areas and cities (92T1). Ten years after independence from Rhodesia, Zimbabwe's 4200 white-owned commercial farms occupied the best lands, while 750,000 black farmers remained tied to the poor, rocky soils of the officially designated "communal lands" (90B3). Communal lands comprise 42% of Zimbabwe. 75% of communal lands are dry, hilly, isolated and of value mainly for grazing - not crops (90B3).

Topsoil erosion of "communal" (black-owned) lands (42% of Zimbabwe) = 4090 tonnes/ km2/ year (90B3).

Sub-Part [C5d] ~ Sub-Saharan Africa ~ Kenya ~

The National Environment Secretariat (NES) says 483,830 km2, 85% of Kenya's land area of 569,137 km2, is experiencing some form of desertification. The NES says 19.3% of Kenya is severely affected by degradation, and 9.4% is moderately affected (91D2).

Sub-Part [C5e] ~ Sub-Saharan Africa ~ Ethiopia ~

In the early 1960s, an American research team and a top-level soil conservation advisor reported: "Even to the casual visitor to Ethiopia, the extent of soil erosion seen in many parts of the country will leave a lasting impression of desolation and impending disaster". In southern Ethiopia's Gamu Highlands, agricultural system was observed to be in a state of collapse around 1968 (Ref. 26 of Ref. (75E1)).

In northern Ethiopia, "stone deserts" have replaced nearly 40,000 km2 of what once were fertile farmlands ((88J1), p. 9).

Five million acres (20,000 km2) of former, or current, cropland in Ethiopia's highlands have reached the point of no return (Ref. 16 of Ref. (90D1)).

Ethiopia, a mountainous country with highly erodible soils on steeply sloping land, is losing an estimated 1 billion tons of topsoil a year, washed away by rain (07B1).

In Ethiopia's Wollo Highlands, at present erosion rates, 18% of farmland will be useless for crops by 2010 (87M2).

Sub-Part [C5f] ~ Sub-Saharan Africa ~ Nigeria ~

Nigeria was losing 500 km2 of cropland to desertification per year in 2001(Announcement by Nigeria's Minister of Environment, January 2001).

About 20-50% of soils in (croplands of) one watershed in northern Nigeria are seriously gullied (77L2).

Sub-Part [C5g] ~ Sub-Saharan Africa ~ Tanzania ~

In Tanzania's Kondoa Province, nearly 1500 km2 are so badly damaged by gully erosion that they cannot be rehabilitated (Ref. 13 of Ref. (87E2)). Gully erosion is mainly harmful to cropland, less so to grazing lands.

Sub-Part [C5h] ~ Sub-Saharan Africa ~ Madagascar ~

Madagascar is often called the most eroded country in the world. Slash-and-burn rice agriculture on steep forested hillsides ("tavy") is partly to blame - as is cattle raising using procedures that produce large-scale gullying ("lavaka") (89U4).

Madagascar's rivers run red with the soil of the central highlands (apparently a result of "tavy" agriculture that converts tropical rainforest to rice fields, destroying soil fertility and erosion resistance) (07R1).

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Part [C6] ~ Latin America ~

Almost 75% of the cropland in Central America is seriously degraded (00L1).

Some 20% of Mexico's croplands are on steep slopes (Ref. 16 of Ref. (97R1)).

More than 50% of all Mexico's farmers' farms are on highly erodible slopes (97R3).

Grain area in Mexico declined 10% during the 1980s -attributed to abandonment of degraded farmland, and to cropland conversion to non-farm uses such as urban developments (Ref. 15 of (88B4)).

Expansion in the 20th century of irrigation in northwest Mexico has been plagued by serious salinity problems. In Yaque Valley, 400 km2 were damaged by salt, and 150 km2 had to be retired from production by the mid-1960s. In the Colorado Delta, 80% of arable land was affected by salinity, and 14% of arable was too saline for cultivation by 1965 (p. 127 of Ref. (76E1)).

Mexico abandons 1036 km2 of farmland to desertification per year (94S4).

An official report indicates that 40% of Mexico's topsoil has been lost - a 30% reduction in agricultural productivity (Ref. 17 of Ref. (92B2)).

Grain area in Mexico declined by 10% during the 1980s. This was attributed to abandonment of degraded farmland, and to cropland conversion to non-farm (typically urban) uses (Ref. 15 of Ref. (88B4)).

As much as 75% of the cultivated land in Venezuela's highlands is on slopes greater than 25% (77L1).

A third of Haiti's land is now virtually useless, and 40% of Haiti's population is mal-nourished ((88J1), p. 15) (89J1).

The UN Development Program has labeled "rapid and increasing erosion" as Haiti's principal problem. Land tenure forces peasants onto steep slopes where cultivation is a futile, temporary proposition ((76E1), p. 169).

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Part [C7] ~ Australia and Oceania ~

Problems with dryland salinity in Australia affect 25,000 km2. About 170,000 km2 of Australia's 300,000 km2 (of dryland cropland) are likely to be destroyed by salinity by 2050, based on current trends (01B1) (02C1). If so, Australia will cease to be one of the world's 5 major net food exporters.

About 35% of Australia is affected by some form of land degradation (90D2). About 324,000 km2 of Australia are affected by natural and human-induced dryland salting (90D2). Australia is a very arid land (on average) with old, poor soils; i.e. no ice-ages and no volcanoes.

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Part [C8] ~ Far East ~ [C8a]~In General, [C8b]~China,

Sub-Part [C8a] ~ Far East ~ In General ~

Over the last 20 years, 50% of Mongolia's wheat land has been abandoned, and wheat yields have fallen by 50%, shrinking the harvest by 75%. Mongolia is almost 3 times the size of France with a population of 2.6 million, and now imports nearly 60% of its wheat (07B1). Mongolia's permanent and arable cropland area is about 15,700 km2. So estimate the lost (abandoned) wheat land at about 5000 km2.

Sub-Part [C8b] ~ Far East ~ China ~

The spread of deserts in China in recent years has been so rapid that as many as 20,000 villages have been abandoned (04D1). The spread of deserts in China has been widely attributed to deforestation and overgrazing.

In China, plowing excesses became common in several provinces as agriculture pushed northward and westward into the pastoral zone (typically semi-arid) between 1987 and 1996. Inner Mongolia's cultivated area increased by 11,000 km2, (22%), during this period. Other provinces that expanded their cultivated area into semi-arid lands by 3% or more during this 9-year span include Heilongjiang, Hunan, Tibet (Xizang), Qinghai, and Xinjiang. Severe wind erosion of soil on this newly plowed land made it clear that its only sustainable use was controlled grazing (07B1).

China's Gobi Desert is expanding by more than 10,000 km2/ year, threatening many villages (05L2).

China loses 1200 km2/ year of farm and pasture land to drifting sand dunes (86W2) (86W4). (China's total land area is 9,327,420 km2 and its agricultural area is 1,539,560 km2.) The spread of deserts in China is widely attributed to deforestation and overgrazing.

China had 5 major dust storms during the 1950s; 23 in the 1990s and 20 during 2001-2002 (03U1) (Chinese Meteorological Agency data).

From 2002 to 2004, China went from being essentially self-sufficient in wheat to being the world's largest importer of wheat. China's wheat harvest peaked at 123 million tons in 1997 and fell to 90 million tons in 2004 (05B3). The reduction since 1997 was probably due to the conversion of croplands to urban lands and possibly to the conversion to aquaculture (fish ponds).

Some 24,000 Chinese villages have either been abandoned or have had their farm economies seriously impaired by invading deserts. In the arid northern half of China where most of China's wheat is grown, tens of thousands of wells go dry each year. These trends, combined with weak grain prices that lower planting incentives, shrank the harvest from its peak of 123 million tons in 1997 to 86 million tons in 2003 (04B1).

In addition to the land already converted to desert, 900,000 km2 of China show a clear "tendency toward desertification." This land is mostly rangeland (i.e. semi-arid), but includes some cropland (01Q1).

During the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s, the average rate of desert spread in China was 1560 km2/ year. During the 1980s this expanded to 2100 km2/ year, and to 2460 km2/ year in the 1990s (Wang Tao, "In Brief, Lhasa Dust Storm", China Daily (1/29/02)).

During 1994-1999, China's desertified land area grew by 52,500 km2. Deserts now cover more than 25% of China's 9,327,420 km2 of total land area (02L1).

Frequency of dust storms in Inner Mongolia: 1950-1959 - 5: 1960-1969 - 8: 1970-1979 - 13: 1980-1989 - 14: 1990-1999 - 23: 2000-2009 - 100 (projected, based on 20 storms during 2000 and 2001) (01C1).

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Part [C9] ~ North America ~

Crop production on over 1 million acres in Idaho is probably reduced by 10% over what it would be if there were no erosion (85C8). This statement might be referring to the Palouse region with its loess (wind-blown) soils with inherently low organic matter content, and hence inherently low productivity.

Nearly 50% of US corn land is grown continuously as a monoculture (94G2).

During 1948-1984 the soil organic matter content of 10 sites in western Kansas declined by an average of 19% (86L1). Organic matter levels are now 50-60% of original levels in prairie soils of Canada, and 60-70% of original levels in croplands under hay-rotations in central and eastern Canada (Refs. 5, 7 of Ref. (86D1)).

Canada's Prairie Province soils were naturally high in organic matter. They have lost 45% of their original organic matter content since cultivation began at the turn of the 20th Century (84S2). Land in fallow is particularly vulnerable to soil erosion and salinization when it lays bare. Introduced in the early 1900s in Canada's prairie provinces, the excessive tillage associated with summer fallow has contributed substantially to reduced organic-matter levels, reduced soil-tilth, nitrogen loss, and less-efficient crop-use of available water (Ref. 7 of Ref. (87M1)).

Salinization in Canada's Prairie Provinces (wheat-growing area) affects 22,000 km2. In addition, 1000 km2 of Canada's irrigated land suffer the effects of salinization. These salt-affected areas are expanding at a rate of 10%/ year. Crop yields have been reduced by 10-75% (50% on average) due to salinization (84S2).

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Part [C10] ~ Middle East - North Africa ~

In the Sistan basin of Afghanistan and Iran, more than 100 villages have been abandoned because of windblown dust (03E1).

In the summer of 1996, the government of Jordan, suffering from higher prices of imported wheat and a growing fiscal deficit, was forced to eliminate its bread subsidy. The resultant riots lasted several days and threatened to bring down the government (Ref. 9 of Ref. (97B3)). Egypt is also known to have a significant bread subsidy - paid by the US as part of the Mideast Peace agreement.

Oxford-based expert Norman Myers says Morocco, Tunisia and Libya are each losing over 1000 km2 of productive land a year to desertification (05L2).

Disorganized and poorly managed mechanized rain-fed agriculture on 65,000 km2 of Sudan have led to large-scale deforestation and severe land degradation (07U1). (The combination of rapid population growth and environmental degradation of all types is believed to have created the desperate struggles over resources and the consequent armed conflicts in the Sudan in recent years (07U1).)

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Section [D] ~ THE CROPLAND RESERVES ISSUE ~

Before 1960 the major contribution to increasing global food supplies came from cultivating more previously unused but arable land. Since 1960 increasing crop yields (tonnes/ unit area) has been the predominant contributor to increasing food supplies (99Y1) (98E1). However even today, all projections of future food productivity include an increase in cereal harvest area of about 25,000 km2/ year and an increase in total cultivated area of about 42,000 km2/ year (99Y1). These projections are supported by estimates of arable land area capable of being cultivated but not yet cultivated that are sometimes as high as twice the area of croplands currently under cultivation. Globally the total cropland area under cultivation is 15 million km2 (96S5). This figure can be broken down into 5.4 million km2 for the developed world and 9.6 million km2 (03A2) for the developing world. Developing countries are claimed to have 28 million km2 of land with a potential for rain-fed agriculture at yields above a "minimum acceptable level." This suggests an undeveloped arable land area in developing nations of about 18 million km2 (03A2). A large fraction of the world's urbanized land (4.75 million km2) are probably situated on undeveloped arable land. Most of the developing world's undeveloped arable land is concentrated in a few countries in South America and sub-Saharan Africa (03A2). In addition, a good part of the undeveloped arable land in developing nations is under forest (03A2). Brazil has 27% of the world's arable land that is not being used as cropland, and that land is largely rainforest (99Y1). All this suggests a major error in the estimates of undeveloped arable land area in the developing world. The population of shifting cultivators in the world's tropical rainforest is far larger than the carrying capacity of that rainforest. (See Section [G] below.) So even though only a small fraction of the world's tropical rainforest is actually under cultivation at any point in time, it has to be considered as fully utilized in terms of its use by shifting cultivators.

Young (99Y1) has done much research that casts considerable doubts on notion that such a huge arable area lies idle, waiting for someone to come along with a plow. The fact that all of the numerous projections of future annual increases in cropland area are such a tiny fraction of the estimates of total arable, but unused, cropland provides tacit admission that Young is probably correct. Young also points out that the total area of cereal-producing croplands in the LDCs (less-developed countries) peaked in 1996 at 4.45 million km2 (out of a total area of arable land of 7.49 million km2) and by 2002 had fallen to 4.27 million km2. For the low-income food-deficient countries (LIFDCs) the total area of cereal-producing cropland peaked in 1998 at 3.45 million km2 (out of a total area of arable land of 5.4 million km2) and by 2002 had fallen to 3.29 million km2 (See www.land-resources.com). Five major studies analyzed by Young estimated that the amount of arable land in the developing world (excluding China) not being cultivated was 16.7 to 19.0 million km2 (about twice the presently cultivated area in the developing world [excluding China]).

Young personally visited 30 developing world countries to try to find the arable land that are not yet cultivated that studies keep estimating. Below are some of the inconsistencies that Young found (99Y1).

The above situations could hardly exist if there were plenty of unused, but sustainably arable, land.

In the above nations the alleged large amounts of arable lands that are not being used as croplands are clearly totally inconsistent with the facts on the ground. It is quite apparent that estimates of undeveloped arable land are grossly in excess of what detailed measurements would find. Below are some possible sources of the error (99Y1).

The FAO estimates that 930,000 km2 are available for agricultural expansion in developing nations (excluding China) during 1990-2010 (mostly in sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America) (Ref. 69 of (96G2)). But cropland is lost to degradation at a rate of about 100,000 km2/ year (0.7%/ year) (92P2) (50-70,000 lost to soil erosion, 20-40,000 to urbanization, and 20-30,000 to salinization and waterlogging) (94K3). So the land available for agricultural expansion over two decades is scarcely adequate to cover, for one decade, the rate of cropland abandonment. The problems with the above-mentioned claim are that nearly all of this "potential" cropland (a) cannot be cropped sustainably, or (b) is of low productivity and/or (c) is presently serving vital roles as urban lands, grazing lands, forest lands and wetlands. Global harvested area of annual crops grows by only 0.3%/ year (00W2) to 0.5%/ year (Table AF.2 in Ref. (00W1)), so cropland area per-capita has been shrinking. (The developing world's population growth rate is about 1.3%/ year). Other data noted above (www.land-resources.com) says that the area planted to cereals in less developed countries peaked in the 1990s and has been declining since then. This further supports the contention that the world's cropland area in use is close to, or in excess of, the land area capable of being cropped sustainably. Alexandratos (95A2) found that over 70% of the land with rain-fed crop production potential in sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America suffers from one or more soil- and terrain constraints.

One possible location of undeveloped arable land is Argentina. The evidence is that Argentina, mostly as a result of cropland expansion, increased wheat production by 68% in 1996 and maize production by 48% in 1997 and another 25% in 1998. These increases followed price rises in the immediately preceding years (03B4). Whether the land that was put into production was suited to sustainable agriculture is not know.

Developing countries (still) have over 3 million km2 of natural wetlands that are potentially suitable for crop production (03N1). It would be a mistake however to regard these 3 million km2 as a component of the world's undeveloped arable land since they serve important rolls in flood prevention and aquifer recharge. For example, in central China, 5000 km2 of wetlands have been reclaimed for crop production since 1950, contributing to a reduction of floodwater storage capacity of 50 billion m3. There is strong evidence that wetland conversion to cropland is responsible for about two-thirds of this loss in storage capacity, and thus for about two thirds of the US$20 billion flood damage in 1998. Similar links have been established for the severe 1993 floods in the US (03N1). In some Sahelian countries of Africa, wetlands are potentially important contributors to food security (86J1) and might be considered as potential undeveloped arable land. However past experience in inland valleys of the Sahelian belt suggest that conversion of wetlands to agricultural use has been of doubtful benefit despite huge international investments. Many irrigation schemes have failed through mismanagement and inadequate infrastructure maintenance, civil unrest and weak market development. Soils in Africa's Sahelian belt are potentially productive only after constraints are overcome, e.g. acid sulphate-, aluminum- and iron-toxicity and waterlogging (86J1). An analysis by Buringh (89B8) tends to support the views and work of Young. Buringh contends that "Today, virtually all of the productive land on this planet is being exploited by agriculture. What remains unused is too steep, too wet, too dry or lacking in soil nutrients (89B8)."

Below we consider just the regions of the globe where population pressures are least, and therefore where the bulk of the world's potential, but unused, croplands are most likely to be found.

Canada is said to be using only half of its arable lands (84S2). But all of its unused arable lands are low-grade, low-productivity lands that could not be cropped without high erosion rates - or are grazed or urbanized (78B2). Croplands on Canada's semi-arid plains have lost half of their organic matter over the past six or so decades (Refs. 5, 7 of Ref. (86D1)), reducing productivity, water retention, tilth and erosion resistance. Also, Canada has felt compelled to reduce cropland fallow periods (92U1) (Wall Street Journal (5/1/96)), increasing the rates of erosion and salinization (84S2). Why would Canada's plains farmers choose to endure these problems with their current soils if all they had to do is buy some idle land and plow it?

Australia's soils are geologically old (no ice-ages and no volcanoes), poor, shallow, and have long-term, serious, erosion- and salinity problems. Salinity is increasing in the area that provides 40% of Australia's agricultural value. The area degraded by salinity could triple over the next five decades (Australia's "State of the Environment, 2001" (March, 2002)). Australia's food exports support about 50 million people - 8 month's growth of the world's population. Land degradation, population growth, and serious global-warming-driven droughts are likely to cause these exports to shrink significantly, or to vanish over the next generation.

Argentina could expand its grain exports, but at best this would only increase global food exports by 5%.

Russia would appear to be the ultimate in land-richness, but arable wealth is another matter. During 1954-1962 the former Soviet Union embarked on a massive "Great Lands" program, converting 300,000 km2 of semi-arid grazing land to semi-arid croplands. The results were predictable - windstorms wiped out all the increased productivity and then some. The program was declared a disaster and abandoned (96G2). If Russia has large tracts of idle but arable land, why did it not develop these, rather than resort to a desperate scheme with predictably disastrous results? And why are 13% of Russia's croplands on rocky hillsides (78B2)? Might a dose of free market economics have eliminated these problems? Russia's grain lands productivity in the mid-1980s was on a par with Canada's (90B2). Both have similar climates, and Canada has newer, less eroded soils. About 27% of the former Soviet Union's land area is used for agriculture. No more than 2/3 of this land is arable (89S3). This could hardly be the case if there were significant areas of undeveloped arable land.

The US is also believed to have lots of undeveloped cropland now masquerading as urban lands, grazing lands and forestlands. But in 1972, when bad weather conditions prevailed, grain prices doubled over the following few years (98D1) and much of these idle, potential croplands were pressed into use. The results were huge increases in erosion. The Cropland Reserve Program, during the past few decades, took most of this non-sustainable cropland back out of production (96G2). This withdrawal (about 47,000 square miles during 1982-1997) achieved huge reductions in net US soil loss. If large tracts of potential, but good, cropland are waiting for a plow, why was it necessary to put extremely marginal lands to the plow and risk disaster? The US Great Plains (a semi-arid wheat-growing area) are suffering the same ills as their Canadian neighbors - loss of about half of their organic matter and some salinity problems. What is so worrisome is that these US- and Canadian plains are the world's largest and second-largest sources of exportable wheat. A large fraction of the rest of the world depends on wheat imports from the US and Canada. As these North American grain lands degrade, and as China's net grain exports change to large net grain imports, and as more food crops are used to produce biofuels to replace oil, major problems are likely to erupt worldwide - problems that would probably not have happened if there were large areas of undeveloped arable land.

In recent years, Canada, Australia, the EU and Russia have imposed constraints on food exports (06D1).

According to US Department of Agriculture Economic Research Service estimates released 11/22/04, 2005 will be the first year in nearly 50 that the US will not turn an agricultural trade surplus (04G1).

Globally, 4.6 million of the world's 12.3 million km2 of rain-fed croplands are classified as dry lands (97C1). Most, if not all, of these dry lands should probably be used as grazing lands to avoid high wind-erosion rates, the risk of dust bowls and extreme droughts. If the world is awash in potential croplands waiting for the plow, why has so much low-productivity, economically marginal land been pressed into service as croplands? And why would so much financial capital, effort, and government subsidies be invested in irrigation?

In Zimbabwe (90B3), the Philippines (00N1) and probably throughout the developing world, farmers producing for local markets have been marginalized into cropping steep, erodible hillsides of low-grade land with no hopes of producing sustainably. The results were predictable - bloodshed and political unrest. If there were large tracts of unused but good-quality potential cropland in these developing nations, why were all these environmentally marginalized farmers unable to find them? In the Philippines, hillside agriculture accounted for 10% of all agricultural lands in 1960, but 30% in 1987 (94A1). It is increasingly doubtful, then, that the Philippines have plenty of undeveloped arable land of sufficient quality as to enable agriculture to be practiced on it sustainably.

In Bangladesh, landlessness among rural households rose from 35% in 1960 to 53% in the early 1990s (97U1). This is not what one would expect if there were cropland-grade lands sitting idle.

The 3-4 major genocides in Rwanda in the past few decades can probably be explained by its cropland supply situation. Fifty percent of all farming there took place on hillsides by the mid-1980s (Ref. 16 of (97R1)). By the mid-1990s, Rwanda had less than 0.03 ha/ person of grain land, mostly on steep slopes (95D2). This is about a third of that in Bangladesh. This is totally inadequate, especially considering Africa's typically poor soils. The latest (1994) of several genocides in Rwanda claimed over 900,000 people -- 14% of Rwanda's population. The overwhelming majority of them were Tutsis, but in northwestern Rwanda at least 5% of the residents were slaughtered even though there were no Tutsis. Rwanda contained 2040 people per square mile, twice the population density of the Netherlands (a nation that has far better soils, far more fertilizer, and far greater ability to import food). The average Rwandan farmer worked 0.07 acre of land with agricultural practices not far removed from those of the Stone Age. Much of this cropland is highly erodible, rocky hillsides. Rwandans could not afford chemical fertilizer. The price is six times greater than in the EU and 60 times greater on an hours-of-labor-per-tonne-of-chemical-fertilizer basis. By 1990, 40% of Rwanda's population was living on less than 1600 calories per day - famine level. A team of Belgian economists concluded that the outbreak of fighting "provided a unique opportunity to settle scores or reshuffle land properties, even among Hutus". It is not rare to hear Rwandans argue that the war was necessary to wipe out an excess population and bring numbers in line with the available land resources (04D1). Conflicts between cropland farmers and livestock grazing farmers (the difference distinguishing Tutsis from Hutus) are common throughout much of sub-Saharan Africa (07M1) (07R1).

In South America, holders of large land tracts are being overwhelmed by hordes of wretched landless people seeking ways of survival (04C1). This is totally inconsistent with the view that vast areas of undeveloped arable lands exist throughout South America. If they did exist, these landless hordes would surely have found them and converted them into croplands.

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Section [E] ~ ANALYSES OF THE FUTURE OF CEREAL PRODUCTION ~

Context
In the global marketplace, per-capita food supplies increased by 24%, and real food prices fell 40% between 1961 and the late 1990s, even as the world population increased by 100% from 3 to 6 billion (
00W2). The commonly asked (and crucial) question is what happens during the next roughly five decades as the world population is forecasted to increases by an additional 50% to about 9 billion (99U5) and then stabilizes at around this figure, possibly falling thereafter. The tendency of forecasters of future cereal (essentially food) production is to try to mainly extrapolate the results of the previous 40 years. It will be seen below that this extrapolation procedure has little logical basis and is dangerously deceptive. This is primarily because the three processes responsible for the above-mentioned results of the previous four decades all have fundamental limitations, and all three processes are at or close to these limitations now. Below we critique some of these projections, pointing out some faults. It is interesting to note that all of these projections of cereal production parallel, quite closely, the forecasted growth of the world's population. This is because the past 4+ decades have been characterized by demand-driven food production rather than supply-driven production. It is far from clear that this situation will characterize the next 4+ decades. The projections focus mainly on analyses of production growth and virtually ignore the sustainability issues involved.

To be fair, all of the forecasts known to this author took place before it was widely known that the glaciers coming off the Himalayan Mountains, Andes Mountains, Rocky Mountains of North America and Europe's Alps are shrinking, if not vanishing. This is a worldwide process that some attribute to global warming. Half the world's population depends on rivers starting from mountain glaciers as their freshwater source. Himalayan glaciers alone feed 7 major Asian rivers (mainly in the Asian sub-continent, i.e. South Asia), ensuring year-round water supplies for two billion people (05U2). Shrinking glaciers, threaten the uniformity of the flows of these major rivers, and hence threaten the already over-stretched water supplies and irrigation systems that these two billion people depend upon. Retreating glaciers in the Andes Mountains, the Rocky Mountains, the Alps and the Himalayan Mountains probably account for the bulk of the three billion people of the world whose water supplies are being placed at risk as a result of retreating glacier. Also all of these forecasts took place before the huge increase in demand for (and price of) biofuel raw materials (corn, sugar, palm oil and soybeans) and hence the land these plants grow on. Also all of these forecasts took place before the huge growth in demand for (and price of) all sorts of commodities that the rapid economic growth of India and China called for. So perhaps the optimism expressed in these forecasts should not be criticized too harshly.

The Dyson Forecast
One interesting analysis of the prospects for feeding humanity out to 2025 (predicted global population: 8 billion) was done by Dyson (
98D1). A zero increase in cropland area is assumed. Most other forecasters assume small increases in cropland area despite the fact that the commonly accepted view is that the amount of arable land that is not used for cropland is similar in magnitude to the current inventory of cropland now in use. An analysis of this issue is given in Section [D] above. Dyson's primary error appears to be that cropland cereal yield (tonnes per unit area per year) are essentially extrapolated from yield data between 1961-1998, a period during which cropland yields doubled due to greatly increased consumption of chemical fertilizers, rapid expansion of large-scale irrigation, and the "Green Revolution." As noted in Sections [A3] through [A6] in this document and in Chapter 4 on irrigation issues, it is unlikely that any of these strategies will be anywhere near as productive in first quarter of the 21st century as during 1961-1998.

Dyson's analysis also notes that major increases in grain exports from developed nations will be essential in the decades to come. Yet the degradation of the major grain-producing areas of North America and Australia in terms of organic matter- and salinity problems, plus significant population growth rates in these nations, suggest that there is little reason to believe that exporters will be able to accommodate even current export volumes. (The US had an agricultural trade deficit in 2005.) Dyson's extrapolation yields almost enough cereal productivity in 2025 to feed humanity. Dozens of other sustainability issues, noted in this document, are ignored in order to draw this conclusion, although a few of these issues are vaguely alluded to.

The FAO Analysis of 2003
The most serious model of world food trends with an estimate of future trends from 1998 out to 2030 was published by the FAO (
03B1). It updated its 1995 forecast (95A2). It too uses extrapolations of past trends to predict future trends, and ignores dozens of sustainability constraints described in this document. It produces the same basic conclusions as Dyson's analysis, i.e. that the world's food needs out to 2030 could be met. The 2003 model's estimate of future trends notes that, in the 32-years from 1997/99-2030, the world could increase annual production of cereals (including rice in milled form) by nearly another billion tonnes (03A1) i.e. by roughly 50%. This statement was made in 2003 when there was no awareness of (1) the huge increases in demand for (and prices of) commodities of all categories required by India and China to fuel their economic expansion, (2) the major increases in demand for (and prices of) grain, sugar, palm oil and soy beans for use in production of "biofuels" and (3) the global-scale shrinkage of the worlds glaciers that put the supplies of continuously flowing freshwater of three billion people at risk. So any revised forecast is virtually certain to require a cereal production growth during these 32 years of well over 50% to match food production with human needs.

Developing countries have turned in recent years from being net agricultural exporters to net importers. Their net cereal imports are projected to rise during 1998-2030 from 103 million to 265 million tonnes/ year. The FAO's projections did not examine the issue of whether developing countries can afford to run increasingly large agricultural trade deficits, especially in light of their staggering burden of interest payments on the several trillions of dollars of borrowing from external sources. The traditional major cereal exporters in the industrial world (US, Canada, the EU and Australia) are projected by the FAO to increase their net exports during 1998 to 2030 from 144 million to 286 million tonnes. Developed countries are required to increase their collective total cereal production rates during 1998 to 2030 from 629 million to 871 million tonnes/ year, i.e. by 1%/ year. The average growth rate during 1967-1999 was 1.6%/ year, but this was a period of huge improvements in plant genetics, and huge increases in the rate of chemical fertilizer consumption. Neither of these two processes is likely to be of more than minor significance during 1998-2030. Europeans have little if any room for increasing fertilizer consumption due to nitrate concentrations in their waterways that are pushing hard against legal limits. The US and Australia have problems with soil organic matter deficiencies and salinization problems in their plains of grains. Fallow periods have been cut (out of desperation?), and no significant amounts of quality undeveloped croplands are available. Manure needed to protect soils against damaging effects of high concentrations of chemical fertilizers is in short supply. Increasing droughts in grain-growing areas for roughly the past 8 years in both Australia and North America (suspected of being a long-term effect of global warming) also threaten their future cereal productivities. These problems, plus increasing use of cropland for growing biofuel feedstock, suggest that significant future multi-decade-long increases in developed world grain land productivity in terms of food-grain crops are unlikely.

The FAO projection also expects irrigation water withdrawals in developing nations to grow by 14% during 1998 to 2030 from 2128 km3/ year to 2420 km3/ year. It also expects developing nations to increase harvested irrigated area during 1998 to 2030 by 400,000 km2, from 2.02 million km2 to 2.42 million km2. (Table 4.8 in Ref. (03B1)). The percentage difference between projected harvest-area growth and irrigation-water withdrawal growth is explained by an anticipated increase in average irrigation-water-use-efficiency from 38% to 42%. Why irrigation-water-use efficiency should be expected to increase when irrigation water supplies are so heavily subsidized virtually worldwide was not made clear. The FAO's projected expansion of irrigated land by 400,000 km2 (during 1998-2030) is assumed to be an increase in net terms. This means that it assumes that losses of existing irrigated land resulting from, e.g., water shortages or degradation because of salinization, will be compensated through rehabilitation or substitution by new areas for those lost. This seems far-fetched. In this authors extensive review of the global literature on irrigated land degradation I have never encountered any document referring to any rehabilitation of abandoned irrigation systems. Irrigation systems that are destroyed by salinization and waterlogging apparently remain abandoned essentially forever. This is probably because the water needed to rehabilitate the land does not produce any near-term crops. Regions where irrigated land is abandoned would appear to be regions that cannot afford to expend water without expecting immediate returns in terms of food production. The various estimates in the literature of the global rate of irrigated land abandoned give on the order of 10,000 to 20,000 km2/ year, i.e. 320,000 to 640,000 km2 in a 32-year period. Such an abandonment rate would essentially negate the FAO's anticipated irrigated area growth of 400,000 km2 during the 32 years from 1998 to 2030.

The region expected to contribute the most to this increase in irrigated area is South Asia, e.g. India. The problems with the world's glaciers would require any revised FAO forecast to also scale back its estimate of the increases in food production to be expected from irrigation system expansion. If the authors of the revised forecast examine the dozens of trends and problems with even sustaining even present-day per-capita supplies of freshwater noted in Chapter 4 of this document, a further scaling-back of irrigated land productivity would be called for. Below are some key facts and figures on irrigated lands and freshwater supplies globally and in South Asia where the FAO's 2003 projection believes there are the most opportunities for irrigation expansion. This information is a small fraction of that found in Chapter 4 of this document. Go there to get reference citations on the material below. The FAO gave no evidence of being aware of, or taking account of, any of this in its 2003 projections.

The FAO also projects that, by 2030, crop production in developing countries will be 67% higher than in the base year (1997/99). About 80% of this increase is projected to come from intensification of crop production in the form of higher yields and of higher cropping intensities (i.e. multiple cropping and reduced fallow periods) on existing croplands. The remaining 20% is projected to result from "arable land expansion."

Multiple-cropping is often found to produce long-term soil damage. If this were not the case in some situation there would be no reason why the farmer would not have long since shifted to multiple-cropping. Reduced fallow periods are usually short-sighted acts of desperation. Shorter fallow periods do not permit soil moisture levels to return to normal, or they do not allow sufficient time for deep-rooted plants to bring up sufficient soil nutrients from below. There is no reason why a farmer would use a longer-than-necessary fallow period. It seems quite clear that the higher cropping intensities (multiple cropping and reduced fallow periods) envisioned by the FAO increase the level of non-sustainability of agricultural practices and therefore should be regarded as short-term acts of desperation, not long-term strategies for increasing global food productivities.

Intensification and yield growth are subject to limits for reasons of plant physiology and because of environmental stresses associated with intensification (01M1) (03B4).

The "arable land expansion" envisioned by the FAO appears to be referring mainly to converting additional areas tropical rainforests to croplands. The projected area involved is 1.2 million km2 (from 9.56 million km2 in 1998 to 10.76 million km2 in 2030) (03B3). The bulk of this projected expansion is expected to take place in sub-Saharan Africa (600,000 km2), Latin America (410,000 km2) and East Asia, excluding China (140,000 km2). This can now be done on low-productivity tropical soils by producing legume crops such as soybeans in rotation with other crops using large doses of chemical fertilizers and limestone. (See Section [A7c] on Brazil's Cerrado.) (Chemical fertilizer consumption in developing countries is projected to increase from 85 million tonnes in 1997/99 to 120 million tonnes in 2030. This translates to a global increase from 138 to 188 million tonnes in 2030. Chemical fertilizer use intensity in developing countries is projected to grow from 89 kg/ ha in 1997/99 to 111 kg/ ha in 2030) There are grave concerns worldwide over losing the remainder of the world's tropical forests to the production of soybeans for export to China and to the production of soy- and palm-oil-based biofuels. The world's tropical rainforests are already badly over-populated with shifting cultivators. (See Section [G].) Also illegal timber harvesting is already taking a heavy toll on the world's tropical rainforests. It is far from clear that sacrificing the world's wood productivity in order to achieve greater food productivity or biofuels productivity is a sound long-term strategy. In many parts of the developing world, urban people pay a significant fraction of their meager incomes to purchase wood or charcoal hauled in from distant forests. Section [D] gives a compelling case for the contention that the world's supply of undeveloped arable land is far smaller than aerial surveys would indicate. Perhaps the reason why tropical rainforests probable are the main source of undeveloped arable land is that tropical soils are usually extremely low in productivity, and only recently has it been found that the combination of rotating legume crops with other crops in combination with lots of chemical fertilizer and lime are able to greatly increase cropland productivities. The FAO's strategy of using "intensification of crop production in the form of higher yields" to achieve greater food productivity in the developing world probably also refers to the tropical rainforest strategy just described. If the strategy refers to increased consumption of chemical fertilizer elsewhere in the developing world, one would have to question why this has not already been done in order to reduce the financial burden of agricultural trade deficits. In Sub-Saharan Africa there are compelling reasons why this has not already been done, and probably will not be done until some more fundamental issues are addressed. (See Section [A2]) As the global price of natural gas increases, and as the "informal" economy becomes an ever-larger fraction of the developing world's overall economy, it would seem more likely that the developing world's consumption of chemical fertilizer will decrease rather than increase in the next few decades out to 2030.

The IFPRI's IMPACT model
Another model of world food trends was done by the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI) (
03R1). Its "IMPACT" model (02R1). It predicted that, between 1997 and 2050, cereal production would increase by 71% and production of meats would increase by 131% (03R1). The IMPACT model is based essentially of extrapolating existing trends from around 1960 to the 1990s when chemical fertilizer consumption was expanding rapidly, the development of large irrigation systems was expanding rapidly, and the "Green Revolution" was producing huge increases in grain-land productivity. None of these three processes are occurring today and all three processes are at, or approaching, their limits as described elsewhere in this document. So, again, it is not clear that it is legitimate to extrapolate these three trends for another five decades.

The Absurdity of these Projections of Food Production
One of these days someone ought to stop and ask what the purpose of these projections is. The experts would probably respond by saying that they merely want to examine the future to identify what, if any, problems are likely to present themselves in future efforts to keep global food production in synch with population growth. But by extrapolating trends of the last few decades of the 20th century and ignoring countless sustainability issue that are clearly evident, these experts insure that they will never have to endure the pain of wrestling with the numerous problems that are certain to pop up. Theirs is a world of self-deception at best. They never attempt to defend their well concealed assumptions that chemical fertilizer consumption growth will continue as in the past, oblivious to all that talk of nitrate limits in water supplies or conversions of rich temperate soils into infertile soils more akin to those in the tropics as a result of high levels of chemical fertilizer consumption - or the assumption that the "green revolution" is going to continue indefinitely, theoretical limits or no theoretical limits - or the assumption that the growth of large-scale irrigation projects will remain unaffected by all those pesky reports of aquifer draw-down and rivers drying up and continue on indefinitely.

We already know that food production in sub-Saharan Africa could easily be doubled or tripled. All we have to do is pretend it's simply a matter of "bad government" or stupid farmers. In that way we can avoid troublesome deeper probes into the real reasons why chemical fertilizer consumption in sub-Saharan Africa is so extremely low. This enables us to avoid wrestling with explaining that region's extreme scarcity of financial capital - or fussing over messy strategies for eliminating such scarcities. We all understand the origin of all those huge white blotches on middle-eastern landscapes in terms of ancient irrigation systems gone awry. Then we can pretend that such accidents will never happen again because we are so much smarter now. Then, to hedge our bets, we make sure no one does any studies to determine what fraction of today's irrigation systems have systems of drainage pipes that could protect against salinization and waterlogging. We also know that agricultures based on hydroponics could feed tens of billions of people. All we have to do is pretend that we don't know that only a tiny fraction of the Earth's inhabitants could afford the food so-produced. We hear countless assuring statements to the effect that the entire world's population could live comfortably in an area the size of Texas - each of us with a garden plot to supply all our food. If we make sure we don't add up the world's area of urban land (about 5 million km2), the world's cropland area (about 15 million km2), the world's fully-utilized forest land area (about 30 million km2), the worlds pasture- and grazing area (about 40 million km2) and make sure we don't compare the sum to the world's area of reasonably biologically productive land (about 90 million km2) then we can shamelessly tell all our doubting friends about how under-populated our world is. But first we should ask ourselves what the purpose of this self-deception is.

Go to this Chapter's Table of Contents ~ Go to Top of Section [D] ~ Go to Top of Section [C] ~ Go to Top of Section [B] ~

Section [G] ~ SHIFTING CULTIVATION IN TROPICAL RAIN FORESTS ~

(Note: More data on this issue can be found in Chapter 4, Section (C) of "Forest Land Degradation: A Global Perspective" found in this website.)

Less than 10% of the world's existing tropical rainforests grow on soils of the type that can support significant population densities. Some data on supportable population densities on the remaining 90% of tropical soils follow.

Limitations of this nature could explain the demise of the ancient Mayan empire in Central America (56B2). Ref. 10 of Ref. (84G1) describes a successful procedure for using poor tropical soils for agriculture, but heavy, skilled applications of (chemical) fertilizer and high crop prices are required. In recent years it has been found that legume crops, such as soybeans, can be grown on poor soils of tropical rainforests with heavy applications of chemical fertilizers, particularly in Brazil. The net result of this is liable to be a huge reduction in the global biomass inventory and growing scarcity of tropical wood supplies.

Fallow periods of 20 years following about three years of cropping appear to be the most widely accepted figure for fallowing croplands in low-productivity soils in tropical rain forests. Shorter fallow periods translate into lower crop productivity, which could result in even shorter fallow periods. Human pressures on the land are translating into shorter fallow periods and hence increasing degrees of non-sustainability on vast areas of the tropics. Some data on this trend follow.

Note that the above data are somewhat old, so present-day fallow periods are liable to be less.

Data on the length of the cropping cycle between 20-year fallow periods are given below.

A carrying capacity of 10 people/ km2 implies a carrying capacity of the 3 million km2 of land under shifting cultivation of 30 million people. (Other data indicate a tropical rainforest area affected by shifting cultivation of 94,700 km2 (FAO, 1981 Landsat data) (Area burned annually is much less.) (91J1).) Compare this to the 1980 population of shifting cultivators of 250 million (80U3). (The population 27 years later could easily be double that.) If all tropical forestland with poor soil (90% of 17.6 million km2 of open- plus closed forest) were devoted to shifting cultivation, the carrying capacity of this land would be 158 million people. This is 63% of the 1980 population of shifting cultivators, and a far smaller percentage of today's population of shifting cultivators. Eventually the combination of falling productivity, population growth, and conversions of tropical forest to grazing lands and forest plantations forces ever increasing numbers of shifting cultivators to migrate to the slums ringing most large urban areas in tropical climates. There is clearly nothing that is sustainable in the modern-day process of shifting cultivation. In theory, shifting cultivation can be perfectly sustainable. The problem is not with the theory but with the ever-growing populations of people imposing ever-increasing pressures on the land to produce. Ever-increasing degrees of urbanization in the developing world probably will not help, since the overwhelming bulk of these farmers-turned-city-people will be joining the "informal" economy in which just survival is a real challenge (08S1).

An ominous new threat to tropical rainforests and to the shifting cultivators who live there is the increasing use of "biofuels." The oil palm is a highly efficient producer of vegetable oil. An acre of oil palm yields as much palm oil as 8 acres of soybeans, the main rival for oil palm. Rapeseed (canola oil) is a distant third (in productivity per acre). Only sugar cane comes close to rivaling oil palms in terms of calories of human food per acre. Palm oil prices jumped 70% in 2007. As a result, vast areas of tropical rainforests are being converted to oil palm plantations and to soybean farms (08B1).

Section [H] ~ CROPLAND OUTPUT SUSTAINABILITY IN SUMMARY ~

The world's croplands are dealing simultaneously with:

If, somehow, the developing world could summon the political will and financial capital needed to address all the non-sustainabilities listed above, in addition to all the needs for infrastructure growth that population growth requires, living standards of the developing world might be stable -- briefly. But this appears unlikely.

If, in addition, the wherewithal could be summoned to increase cropland productivities sufficiently to meet the requirements of a 50% increase in population growth over the next 4-5 decades, living standards of the developing world could be stable longer. But prospects for this are dim.

It is interesting to note that, in spite of the obvious importance of the above issues to the developing world, no developing country has in place a national monitoring system for soil quality, so researchers must use a variety of crude and approximate procedures for evaluating the time- and spatial-dependence of soil quality (99S2).

For some reason cornucopian writers (67K1) (81S3) (87W4) (01L1) (98D1) (03B2) remain oblivious to all of these issues and have even persuaded the public at large to see global agriculture in the same way as they see it. Ultimately, if not currently, there is a price to be paid for all of this denial and self-delusion.

Go to this Chapter's Table of Contents ~ Go to top of Section [F] ~ Go to top of Section [E] ~ Go to top of Section [D] ~ Go to top of Section [C] ~ Go to top of Section [B] ~ Go to top of Section [A] ~ Go to Reference List ~ Go to Home Page of this website ~ Go to Table of Contents of this entire document on Sustainability issues ~

~ REFERENCE LIST 1 (For reference citations before 1987 go to se12.html.

~ REFERENCE LIST 2 (For reference citations after 1986 go to se13.html.